scholarly journals Caminhos de atuação pública e engajada: entrevista com Miguel Vale de Almeida

ILUMINURAS ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (57) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vi Grunvald ◽  
Filipe Reis

Entrevista com o antropólogo português Miguel Vale de Almeida realizada por Vi Grunvald e Filipe Reis. Sobressai na entrevista sua trajetória o seu interesse em articular a prática docente e o conhecimento produzido na academia com ações efetivas no espaço público e participação em movimentos sociais e na política.Palavras-chaves: Trajetória. Antropologia portuguesa. Prática docente. Afeto. Espaço Público.  Paths of public and engaged performance: interview with Miguel Vale de Almeida Abstract: Interview with Portuguese anthropologist Miguel Vale de Almeida conducted by Vi Grunvald and Filipe Reis. In the interview, her interest in articulating teaching practice and knowledge produced in the academy with effective actions in the public space and participation in social movements and politics stand out.Keywords: Trajectory. Portuguese anthropology. Teaching practice. Affection. Public place.

2017 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
José Carlos Kraemer Bortoloti ◽  
Neuro José Zambam

Resumo:  O objetivo da presente abordagem é afirmar o espaço público como indispensável para a expressão e interação dos indivíduos na formação da cidadania e, assim, compor a democracia no contexto contemporâneo. A garantia de direitos e a sua efetivação no cotidiano da convivência humana são as referências mais elementares e condição para a sua legitimidade. Tradicionalmente, as formas de participação e decisão dependiam exclusivamente de eleições que garantiam a alternância do poder. Esse é um modelo limitado e insuficiente, considerando a complexidade das sociedades hodiernas que pressupõe a existência de uma nova dinâmica. Os conflitos de representação e decisão impulsionam a proposição de novos paradigmas para a interação e efetivação de direitos. Os movimentos sociais, as formas de interação e a expressão da pluralidade existente na sociedade, demandam um modelo de participação intersubjetiva, indicando a cidadania como espaço de interação e vociferação de direitos, especificamente os direitos das culturas, a superação das desigualdades, os novos instrumentos de decisão e as condições efetivas de integração dos povos, ampliando as condições de justiça. Afirmar valores e princípios como a tolerância, a legalidade, a dignidade humana, a sustentabilidade e o compromisso com as futuras gerações, representa a capacidade de evolução da democracia e a necessidade de novos referenciais.Abstract: he objective of this approach is to affirm the public space as essential for the expression and interaction of individuals in the formation of citizenship and thus compose democracy in the contemporary context. The guarantee of rights and its effectiveness in everyday human coexistence are the most basic references and condition for its legitimacy. Traditionally, the forms of participation and decision relied solely of elections that guaranteed the alternation of power. This is a limited and insufficient model considering the complexity of today's society that presupposes the existence of a new dynamic. Conflicts of representation and decision boost to propose new paradigms for interaction and enforcing rights. Social movements, forms of interaction and expression of the existing plurality in society, require a model of inter-subjective participation, indicating citizenship as a space for interaction and vociferation rights, specifically the rights of cultures, overcoming inequalities, the new instruments decision and the actual conditions of integration of peoples, expanding the conditions of justice. Affirming values and principles such as tolerance, legality, human dignity, sustainability and commitment to future generations, is the evolution of the capacity of democracy and the need for new standards.


Author(s):  
Ljubica Spaskovska

The third chapter reflects on new youth activism within the wider context of what has been termed ‘the new social movements’. It addresses the broader transnational influence of movements abroad, and shows how new areas for political expression opened up around peace, anti-militarism, environmentalism/nuclear disarmament and sexuality. Late socialist Yugoslav society witnessed the proliferation of a youth arena of civil initiatives and activist citizenship, albeit fragmented and often discordant, which found shelter and support within parts of the existing youth institutional framework. Although the federal Youth League did not explicitly endorse all of the initiatives stemming from the new social movements, it did provide spaces for some of them and increased the visibility of their demands in the public space.


2020 ◽  
pp. 136843102096867
Author(s):  
Saul Newman

Recent debates in liberal political theory have sought to come to terms with the post-secular condition, characterised by deep religious pluralism, the resurgence of right-wing populism, as well as new social movements for economic, ecological and racial justice. These forces represent competing claims on the public space and create challenges for the liberal model of state neutrality. To better grasp this problem, I argue for a more comprehensive engagement between liberalism and political theology, by which I understand a mode of theorising that reveals the theological basis of modern secular political concepts. In considering two contrasting approaches to political or public theology – Carl Schmitt’s and Jürgen Moltmann’s – I argue that liberal political theory can and should open itself to a diversity of social movements and ecological struggles that pluralise the political space in ways that unsettle the boundary between the secular and religious.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 273-284
Author(s):  
Néstor García Canclini

Abstract Ever since the expansion of video-politics, television canalises citizens' criticism and demands regarding political authorities, conceiving of citizens as spectators. Social networks magnify this type of involvement, promising horizontality and social cohesion. Political parties have become reduced to elites that distribute power and benefits among themselves, disengaging from voters, except during electoral periods. Our opinions and behaviours are captured by algorithms and subject to globalised forces. The public space where citizenship should be exercised is becoming opaque and distant. Citizenship is radically diminishing while some social movements are reinventing themselves and winning sectorial battles: for human rights, for gender equality, against authoritarianism. Yet the neoliberal approach to technology maintains and deepens greater inequalities. What are the alternatives to this dispossession? Hackers and dissenters? What is the role of the vote in a State-society relationship reprogrammed by technologies and the market?


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 166
Author(s):  
Sriany Ersina

Abstrak_ An ideal public space should be a common ground, open and accessible for all including for people with disabilities. However in fact, along the beach Losari in Makassar City have inaccessible public space. Ideally, the various people who use and do interaction in the public space should be accommodated in the space. The Potential for conflict exist whenever and wherever people contact. Conflict is natural, normal and inevitable whenever people interact together. The disagreement and the difference on values conflict can be indicated by the unavoidable situation in human relationship. Therefore, defining the difference and strategy to manage the conflict in public space will be the focus of the paper. A Synergy, compromise, accommodative action and using a power are among others of the strategy to manage conflict to create a built environment towards an open and accessible public place. A Public space is the common ground where people carry out the functional and ritual activities that bind a community, whether in the normal routines of daily life or in periodic festivities [3] Urban Corridors that deals with mostly public space should serve the public at large, the plural society and the variety of human behavior.Keywords : Public Space; Conflict in Public Place; Urban Corridor.


2018 ◽  
pp. 12-33
Author(s):  
Iná Elias De Castro

RESUMOEste artigo se propõe debater as condições para a transformação dos espaços públicos em espaços políticos e responder como isto ocorre. A tese defendida é a de que os espaços públicos são espaços do cotidiano social urbano e não possuem uma essência política, embora possam tornar-se espaços políticos quando invadidos por fenômenos da política que transformam temporariamente suas rotinas e seu público usual. O texto está dividido em três partes. Na primeira, a política é conceituada como um sistema institucional e operacional de resolução de conflitos de interesses, apresentando os riscos da falácia, muito comum na literatura sociológica, de considerar a política como uma esfera abstrata. Na segunda, o espaço político é apresentado como um conceito, que apesar da origem na ciência política, foi apropriado e ampliado na geografia política como espaço de ação das políticas públicas e das leis, mas também dos movimentos sociais e dos atos políticos. Na terceira, são elaborados os argumentos da tese central deste texto, respondendo à questão sobre as circunstâncias em que os espaços públicos podem se transformar em espaços políticos.Palavras-chave: Espaço político; espaço público; mobilizações políticas. ABSTRACTThis article proposes to discuss the conditions for the transformation of public spaces into political spaces and to respond how this occurs. The thesis defended is that public spaces are spaces of everyday urban social and do not have a political essence, although they may become political spaces when invaded by phenomena of politics that temporarily transform their routines and their usual public. The text is divided into three parts. In the first, politics is conceptualized as an institutional and operational system for resolving conflicts of interest, presenting the risks of the fallacy, very common in the sociological literature, of considering politics as an abstract sphere. In the second, the political space is presented as a concept, that despite the origin in political science, was appropriated and expanded in political geography as a space for action of public policies and laws, but also for social movements and political acts. In the third part, the arguments of the central thesis of this text are elaborated, answering the question about the circumstances in which the public spaces can turn into political spaces.Keywords: Political space; public space; political mobilizations.


2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
France Aubin

The concepts of public space and the public sphere, still associated with Jürgen Habermas’ 1962 publication (and appearing in French in 1978), The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, have given rise to a great deal of theory-centred production in a variety of disciplines. These concepts have been revised by several authors and according to different objectives. Perhaps most ambitions among them is the desire to design a more realistic proposition—to deliver justice to “real-life” society. In this article, I attempt to contribute to this goal by reviewing certain developments in theory circulating in the French language since the 1990s (and quite often originally written in French) while taking into account the reconciliation (however lukewarm) of the question of the public sphere between disciplines concerned with social movements and democracy.Les notions d’espace public et de sphère publique, encore associées aujourd’hui à l’ouvrage de Jürgen Habermas publié en 1962 et paru en français en 1978, ont donné lieu à une grande production théorique dans un certain nombre de disciplines. Ces notions ont été revues par plusieurs auteurs avec différents objectifs parmi lesquels celui d’en arriver à une proposition plus réaliste, rendant justice à la société « réellement existante », n’est pas le moins ambitieux. Nous tenterons de contribuer à cet objectif en passant en revue certains développements théoriques diffusés en français depuis les années 1990 et tenant compte du rapprochement (encore timide) sur la question de l’espace public entre des champs disciplinaires s’intéressant respectivement aux mouvements sociaux et à la démocratie.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 627
Author(s):  
Vera Lúcia Nogueira ◽  
Dalvit Greiner de Paula

O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar uma discussão acerca da atuação dos presidentes de província, integrantes da elite política nacional que, após a Independência, se tornou um dos grupos responsáveis pela manutenção da unidade e garantia da estabilidade política do Estado imperial. Diferentemente das ex-colônias espanholas, que deram origem a vários estados republicanos, no Brasil adotou-se o regime monárquico, com governo civil estável, que centralizou todas as decisões nas mãos do Imperador, inclusive a nomeação para o cargo de presidente de províncias. O foco é na atuação de Herculano Ferreira Penna (1811-1867), político que administrou mais províncias no Estado imperial e no tratamento que ele conferiu à instrução pública nas províncias por onde passou. Entendemos que, além das armas e da política, a escolarização da população foi uma estratégia fundamental na construção dos Estados e que, também, contribuiu para a ampliação do espaço público, no Brasil.Palavras-chave: Presidência da Província, Instrução Pública, Espaço Público. AbstractThe purpose of this article is to present a discussion about the performance of provincial presidents, members of the national political elite that, after independence, became one of the groups responsible for maintaining unity and guaranteeing the political stability of the imperial state. Unlike the former Spanish colonies, which gave rise to several republican states, in Brazil the monarchist regime was adopted, with a stable civil government, which centralized all decisions in the hands of the Emperor, including the appointment to the post of provincial president. The focus is on the work of Herculano Ferreira Penna (1811-1867), a politician who administered more provinces in the imperial state and in the attention he conferred on public education in the provinces where he passed. We understand that, in addition to guns and politics, the schooling of the population was a fundamental strategy in the construction of states and also contributed to the expansion of public space in Brazil.Keywords: Presidency of the province; public instruction; public place. ResumenEl objetivo de este artículo es presentar una discusión acerca de la actuación de los presidentes de provincia, integrantes de la elite política nacional que, tras la Independencia, se ha convertido en uno de los grupos responsables del mantenimiento de la unidad y garantía de la estabilidad política del Estado imperial. A diferencia de las ex colonias españolas, que dieron origen a varios estados republicanos, en Brasil se adoptó el régimen monárquico, con gobierno civil estable, que centralizó todas las decisiones en manos del Emperador, incluso el nombramiento para el cargo de presidente de provincias. El foco es en la actuación de Herculano Ferreira Penna (1811-1867), político que administró más provincias en el Estado imperial y en el trato que él confería a la instrucción pública en las provincias por donde pasó. Entendemos que, además de las armas y la política, la escolarización de la población fue una estrategia fundamental en la construcción de los Estados y que también contribuyó a la ampliación del espacio público, en Brasil.Palabras clave: Presidencia de la Provincia; Instrucción Pública; Espacio Público.


2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 305
Author(s):  
Mohamad Hudaeri

<p class="Iabstrak"><em>Contemporary Islamic movements have undergone many changes of outlook, social and political orientations. The movement is not directed to establish an Islamic state or to support the use of military forces to achieve individual and<br /> communal programs in preparing "good Muslims". But the project is directed to self-transformation through moral cultivation and ethics as the foundation to be performed in public spaces. The movement is more directed to the process of reislamization related to social and discipline practices to prepare a good Muslim. This article explores the Islamization of public space in the Banten province. That is related to the construction of Islamic identity of the body and the public place. Construction of Islamic identity of the body is stressed by obliging veils (ḥijāb) for Muslim women. While Islamization of public places is through mounting names of Allah (Asmaul Husna) and other Islamic messages in several major highways.</em></p><p class="Iabstrak">Gerakan Islam kontemporer banyak mengalami perubahan visi dan orientasi sosial dan politik. Gerakan tersebut bukan diarahkan untuk mendirikan negara Islam atau mendukung penggunaan militer dan kekerasan untuk me­wujudkan program menciptakan individu dan masyarakat “Muslim yang baik”. Tetapi proyek tersebut diarahkan untuk transformasi-diri melalui penanaman moral dan etika sebagai landasan untuk bisa tampil di ruang publik. Gerakan tersebut lebih diarahkan kepada proses re-Islamisasi yang berkaitan dengan praktek sosial dan praktek disiplin untuk membentuk subjek Muslim yang baik. Tulisan ini mengeksplorasi tentang Islamisasi ruang publik yang ada di Provinsi Banten. Yakni terkait dengan konstruksi identitas Keislaman terhadap tubuh dan tempat publik. Konstruksi identitas Islam terhadap tubuh ditekankan melalui keharusan untuk berjilbab bagi wanita Muslimah. Sedangkan Islamisasi tempat publik adalah pemasangan nama-nama Allah (<em>Asmā’ al-Ḥusnā</em>) dan pesan-pesan Islam lainnya di beberapa jalan raya utama.<strong></strong></p>


Author(s):  
Лешек Кочанович

В статье рассматриваются основные проблемы современной демократии, особенно городской демократии. Массовые протесты и демонстрации свидетельствуют о том, что существующие механизмы либеральной демократии перестали выполнять свою роль. В статье анализируются причины такого положения вещей. Также приводятся причины, по которым демократия в городе имеет особое значение для понимания функционирования демократического общества. Далее описываются три концепции демократии, которые имеют особое значение. Это: прагматическая концепция, концепция коммуникативной деятельности и концепция неконсенсусного диалога и неконсенсусной демократии. Эта третья концепция была разработана автором статьи. Он понимает демократический диалог как средство понимания, а не согласия. Таким образом, демократия заключается в том, чтобы лучше понять конкурента, а не в достижении с ним соглашения. Однако для того, чтобы эта форма демократии работала, необходимо соответствующее образование на всех уровнях. In the past years it has become clear that liberal democracy is in crisis and that this crisis is first of all visible in the public sphere and in the public space. The new social movements in many countries have re-defined the public space introducing to it elements which have not been so far present in the public sphere, for instance, demonstrations which turned into long-lasting meetings, performances, artistic activities, and so on. Moreover, it has turned out that the crisis touched not only the liberal system of institutions but also the civil society and the party system that had been a backbone of liberal democracy. The aim of the article is thus to look at human space/city space as a machine for communication, or, strictly speaking, a machine for understanding. The article has been inspired by the views of American pragmatists, mainly John Dewey’s and George Herbert Mead’s as well as Mikhail Bakhtin’s concepts of dialogue and carnival. I think that taking such a standpoint would lead to better understanding the new social movements in city space. The four models of communication in the city space are discussed in the article. The first model is taken from the philosophy of American pragmatism. Its main features are: the close relationship between politics and everyday life, and the concept of democracy as a form of life of a community. The pragmatists also put stress on dialogue/communication as an activity which forms social life as well as our mind and self. The second model is Jürgen Habermas’s concept of communicative action. Habermas states that the possibility of an agreement is inscribed in the very structure of language if certain conditions are fulfilled. He calls these conditions “the ideal communicative situation.” The continuators of Habermas’s theory have developed it into the idea of “deliberative democracy”, i.e., democracy which is a permanent discussion of the most important social and political issues. The third model is associated with Bakhtin’s notion of dialogue as a phenomenon which permeates all human interactions. Finally, I propose my model of communication which is based on my concept of dialogue as a vehicle of understanding rather than vehicle of agreement. Starting from the last model I discuss the question of the role of the university in the democratic society. My idea is that the humanities should give up any ambition to universality and instead they should facilitate mutual understanding. Therefore, their function has changed radically. Traditionally, they serve to maintain national or religious identity and/or promote individual perfection. Now, they should prepare people to enter a dialogical relationship with the Other.


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