‘Fill a bag and feed a family’: the miners’ strike and its supporters

Author(s):  
Maroula Joannou

The 1984-5 Miners’ Strike drew upon an exceedingly broad basis of support from representatives of the churches and trade unions to environmentalists, feminists, students, anti-nuclear campaigners, peace activists and inner city radicals. The strike was sustained by an extensive network of miners’ support groups working closely with the mining communities. This chapter analysis the composition, methods and effectiveness of the groups which raised prodigious amounts of money. By emphasising their gender and sexuality, Women Against Pit Closures and Lesbians and Gays Support the Miners presented a substantive challenge to the chauvinistic attitudes of the coalfields. Working-class women’s activism drew upon equal rights traditions established in the mining areas between the wars. The support demonstrated by some trade unions and individual trade unionists is contrasted to the equivocation of the TUC and the support offered by the Communist Party (despite its internal divisions) and by many Labour authorities, councillors and constituency Labour Parties which contrasted with the position taken by Neil Kinnock as Labour Party leader.

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Viktorija Bilic

Mathilde Franziska Anneke (1817-1884) was one of few women who have shaped German immigrant life in America during the second half of the 19th century. The Forty-Eighter, writer, and educator founded the first German-language Frauenzeitung in the U.S., and her network of correspondents included Susan B. Anthony.   The article sheds light on Mathilde Anneke as a “new woman” who broke with traditional norms of gender and sexuality. She divorced her first and abusive husband at the age of 20, raising her daughter alone before marrying Fritz Anneke with whom she had more children. This paper focuses on Mathilde's feminist essay Das Weib im Conflict mit den socialen Verhältnissen (1847). This text is a testament to her ideals and values, most of all her life-long fight for women’s rights. In this manifest, Mathilde envisions the “new woman” who would break out of the cage of male supremacy and demand equal rights. While Mathilde Anneke did not live to see the suffragist movement succeed, she made significant contributions to the early feminist movement, and she did so through her writing.


Paranoia ◽  
2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Freeman ◽  
Jason Freeman

This cri de coeur appeared on the front page of the Sun, Britain’s top-selling newspaper, on 21 January 2008. The previous week had seen the conviction of the killers of 47-year-old Garry Newlove. Late on the night of 10 August 2007, Newlove had heard noises outside his home in Warrington, a Lancashire town previously best-remembered for being the unlikely target of two IRA bombs in 1993. He confronted a gang of drunken teenagers, who promptly punched and kicked him to death. The outraged lament on the Sun’s front page was in fact quoted from a letter to the paper from one Dr Stuart Newton, a former head teacher. And forming a melancholy border around his words were the faces of fifteen high-profile murder victims. The message was unmistakable, conveyed with the newspaper’s usual clarity: the country is going to the dogs; the streets are not safe for respectable folk to walk; our youth is out of control. ‘In parts of our country there is social breakdown. Society stops at the front door of our house and the streets have been lost and we’ve got to reclaim them’, agreed Conservative Party leader David Cameron. And the Home Secretary, Jacqui Smith, confessed that she felt uncomfortable walking in London after dark (her words, explained an official, ‘hadn’t come out as she had intended’ and, by way of proof, Ms Smith had recently gone so far as to purchase a kebab on the inner-city streets of Peckham). But where, you might wonder, is the news in all this? The reference to ‘feral youths’ is distinctively contemporary (rampaging teenagers being, as it were, one of the foul flavours of our day). But has there ever been a time when newspapers—and perhaps indeed the rest of us too—haven’t been decrying the ‘downward spiral of Britain’? The fact that one of the faces staring out from the Sun’s front page is that of Stephen Lawrence, stabbed to death in a racist attack in south London in April 1993—fifteen years ago—can be read as a discreet allusion to the timelessness of this nostalgia for a better, safer world.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 174550652110471
Author(s):  
Jennifer F Ducray ◽  
Colette M Kell ◽  
Jyotika Basdav ◽  
Firoza Haffejee

Background: Cervical cancer in South Africa accounts for 15.85% of all female cancers and 30.29% of African female cancers, resulting in over 5000 deaths annually. South Africa’s proposed move towards universal healthcare places emphasis on health promotion through education and screening, but there is little data on the baseline levels of knowledge and screening uptake regarding cervical cancer. This study explored the levels of knowledge and screening rates of cervical cancer among vulnerable women living in the inner-city of Durban, South Africa. Methods: A mixed-method study was conducted within the context of a Women’s Health outreach initiative. Data were collected from women attending the outreach ( n = 109), many of whom were from marginalized communities. A pre-intervention survey was used to collect the data. This was followed by cervical cancer education sessions and the opportunity for a free Pap smear. Results: Knowledge of cervical cancer was low (<25%) and only a third of the women had previously been screened. After the educational sessions, 64% of women ( n = 70) took advantage of the opportunity for Pap smears, with many expressing the need for wider cervical cancer education, screening centres and support groups. Only 20% of the Pap smears were normal ( n = 14). Half of the women tested positive for infections ( n = 36; 51.4%), and a small proportion ( n = 8; 11.4%) tested positive for human papilloma virus. Abnormal cervical intra-epithelial neoplasia (CIN1 and CIN 2) were also detected in this population ( n = 12; 17.1%). Conclusion: Cervical cancer knowledge and screening among vulnerable women in Durban, South Africa, is inadequate, especially considering the high levels of abnormality found in the Pap smears. Education drives, accompanied with the provision of free testing, are required. Community health outreach initiatives in collaboration with non-government organizations set in accessible locations could be a possible course of action.


Author(s):  
Ronnee Schreiber

For more than a century, women have organized for anti-feminist and conservative causes, including opposition to the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) and legal abortion. This chapter outlines anti-feminist women’s activism ranging from their opposition to suffrage, to their support for the Ku Klux Klan, to their formation into contemporary national organizations. It examines the fight over the ERA, with special attention paid to the conservative women who opposed it, the tactics they employed, and how racial and class differences among women factored into support for, or opposition to, the amendment’s passage. Finally, an analysis of pro-life women’s activism provides insights into the strategies they use to counter feminist and pro-choice efforts. Talking as women, about women’s interests, enables pro-life groups and actors to tackle pro-choice advocates who have long argued for attention to women’s bodies and lives in reproductive health-care debates.


Author(s):  
Francis Kuriakose ◽  
Deepa Kylasam Iyer

The question of LGBT rights was first examined as part of gender and sexuality studies in the 1980s, predominantly in the United States. This was a result of the LGBT movement that had articulated the demand for equal rights and freedom of sexual and gender minorities a decade before. Since then, the examination of LGBT rights has traversed multiple theoretical and methodological approaches and breached many disciplinary frontiers. Initially, gay and lesbian studies (GLS) emerged as an approach to understand the notion of LGBT identity using historical evidence. GLS emphasized the objectives of the LGBT movement in articulating its identity as an issue of minority rights within the ambit of litigation and case law. However, the definition of LGBT identity as a homogeneous and fixed category, and the conceptualization of equality rights as the ultimate project of emancipation, was critiqued on grounds of its normative and assimilationist tendencies. Queer theory emerged in the 1990s as a counter-discourse to GLS, using the individual-centric postmodern technique of deconstruction as the method of analysis. This approach opened up scope for multiple identities within the LGBT community to articulate their positionality, and reclaim the possibilities of sexual liberation that GLS had previously obscured. Subsequent scholarship has critiqued GLS and queer theory for incomplete theorization and inadequate representation, based on four types of counter-argument. The first argument is that queer theory, with its emphasis on self as an alternative for wider social interaction, concealed constitutive macrostructures such as neoliberal capitalism, as well as the social basis of identity and power relations. The second argument highlights the incomplete theorization of bisexual and transgender identities within the LGBT community. For example, understanding bisexuality involves questioning the universalism of monosexuality and postmodern notions of linear sexuality, and acknowledging the possibility of an integrated axis of gender and sexuality. Theorization of transgender and transsexual rights requires a grounded approach incorporating new variables such as work and violence in the historiography of transgender life. The third critique comes from decolonial scholarship that argues that intersectionality of race, gender, class, caste, and nationality brings out multiple concerns of social justice that have been rendered invisible by existing theory. The fourth critique emerged from family studies and clinical psychology, that used queer theory to ask questions about definitions of all family structures outside the couple norm, including non-reproductive heterosexuality, polyamorous relationships, and non-marital sexual unions. These critiques have allowed new questions to emerge as part of LGBT rights within the existing traditions, and enabled the question of LGBT rights to be considered across new disciplinary fronts. For example, the incorporation of the “queer” variable in hitherto technical disciplines such as economics, finance, and management is a development of the early-21st-century scholarship. In particular, the introduction of LGBT rights in economics to expand human capabilities has policy implications as it widens and mainstreams access of opportunities for LGBT communities through consumption, trade, education, employment, and social benefits, thereby expanding the actualization of LGBT rights.


Author(s):  
Jessica M. Frazier

After peace talks began in Paris, the female delegation of Nguyen Thi Binh, foreign minister of the Provisional Revolutionary Government (PRG) of South Viet Nam, spearheaded people's diplomatic efforts as Binh’s own poised, determined, and feminine presence on the world stage inspired countless women around the world. Complementing the PRG women's efforts, U.S. women activists continued to travel to Viet Nam—both North and South. The context of American women's activism had shifted in two significant ways, however. First, the incarceration of Vietnamese political prisoners in South Viet Nam in "tiger cages" came to light in July 1970. Second, the context of growing feminist sentiment colored the views of women peace activists. The U.S. military's complicity in the deplorable prison conditions in the South led women peace activists to perceive social inequalities in the United States as they also noted the distinguished positions of women in North Viet Nam. They came to describe Vietnamese women in the North as having gained "liberation" and claimed South Vietnamese society had actually deteriorated because of U.S. intervention.


Author(s):  
Munyaradzi A. Dzvimbo ◽  
Colleen Ncube ◽  
Monica Monga

Artisanal mining communities around the world are diverse, dynamic and distinct in nature they vary from culture-to-culture, region-to-region and mine-to-mine, and change over the course of time.Women within these communities are also heterogeneous and unique; however, they tend to be engaged in specific roles throughout the world.A qualitative approach in form of a descriptive survey research design was adopted, in which purposive systematic sampling was used and qualitative data was generated. Semi-structured questionnaires were used to collect data from predominantly mining towns Kadoma, Kwekwe and Shurugwi as well surrounding areas.The sample size was compelled by the different mining areas which are a considerable distance from each other with sparsely distributed population. The focus of data collection was on women’s responsibilities in mineral processing activities range from crushing, grinding, sieving, washing and panning, to amalgamation and amalgam decomposition in the case of gold mining.Typically, women are labourers (e.g. panners, ore carriers and processors), providers of goods and services (for instance cooks, shopkeepers) and are often solely responsible for domestic chores. The total number of artisanal miners for the three mining towns was 1500 and a sample of 10% (150 miners) of the three towns, with each town having 50 was sampled. The artisanal miners taken to be part of the population sample were systematic selected till the last person. The composition of the miners was made up 41% of the females while the remaining 59% were male respondents. 


Author(s):  
Shae Miller

Social movement activists have frequently used a variety of embodied tactics to negotiate cultural conceptions of gender and sexuality, which are in constant flux. This chapter attends to the ways that new social formations of gender and sexuality—including the recent emphases on gender and sexual fluidity—have impacted the politics, goals, tactics, and identities of contemporary women’s movements. Incorporating queer, transgender, critical race, and disability studies, this chapter emphasizes the ways that women seeking to attain gender and sexual justice have used the body both as a site of everyday resistance against repressive gender and sexual norms and as a tool for performing overt political protests. It illustrates how gender and sexual fluidity have gained new traction within social movements and discusses the implications for conceptualizing women’s activism.


Author(s):  
Kristin Soraya Batmanghelichi

Discourses of marriage, sexual violence, and wilaya (male guardianship system) in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region have been transformed in part through women’s activism in the domain of sexuality and health. Local and global actors have labored to address gender-discriminatory policies, thinking, and behavior through international conventions, regional collaboration, and, more recently, mobile technologies and social media. When popular revolts shook the region’s status quo from 2009 to 2012, shifting practices and attitudes about gender and sexuality became more distinct, recalibrating discussions on sexual harassment, the necessity of wilaya, and a woman’s decision not to marry. Meanwhile, MENA women’s advocates have pushed back against conservative norms and policies that regularly dismiss or shame their quest for gender justice and equality. This chapter offers a glimpse into the ongoing debates and struggles among these women and their allies, who challenge traditions, stigmatization, and taboos on issues related to sexuality, in particular.


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