scholarly journals The intellectual engagé of the social movements

Author(s):  
Pilar Damião De Medeiros

By taking into account the social, historic, political and cultural continuities and discontinuities,aswell as the permanent metamorphosis of the public sphere, this articleaims at a comparative analysis of the multidimensional impact of the intellectual critiqueof the 60’s and 70’s and that of the first decade of the 2000’s. This article therefore aspiresat understanding if some of the nuances of the intellectuals’ engagement of the60’s and 70’s social movements still persist today as regards the role of the contemporaryintellectual when facing the emerging cultural, social, political and economic crisis,which — although caused by different publics, interests and contexts — tend tohave some characteristics and contours in common. Thiswork aims at understanding(1) if intellectuals have reclaimed their voice, so far silent, in the public sphere, (2) ifthey have been contributing with social, cultural and political alternatives and even (3)if they have been fostering communication forums with the objective of instigating alternativesto the alternative imposed by the system.

2019 ◽  
pp. 87-116
Author(s):  
Veronika Antoniou ◽  
René Carraz ◽  
Yiorgos Hadjichristou ◽  
Teresa Tourvas

Urban Gorillas, a Cyprus based NGO, emerged at the aftermath of the 2013 socio-economic crisis where the notion of publicness was deeply shaken. A cross-examination of the public sphere has led the team to coin the term publicscape and identify working methodologies within this context. Urban Gorillas took on the role of a catalyst between underused public spaces and the society’s uneasy relationship with the notion of publicness. The work, spontaneous in nature, temporarily transforms spaces while creating permanent human networks. The recurring temporariness that characterises the actions revokes activism in the social structure, revitalising physical spaces and inspiring an urban culture of participation.


2019 ◽  
pp. 146-172
Author(s):  
Paul Mutsaers

This concluding chapter synergizes the previous chapters and adds something new. Both functions are captured by the title, Reclaiming the Public in Policing. First, it argues that the empirical and conceptual work in this book points at the corrosion of the public character of policing, which results in law enforcement agencies that find it increasingly difficult to exclude politics, particularism, and populism from their operations. This part of the chapter concludes that it is imperative that we ‘unthink’ bureaucracy as the social evil of our time and revalue the public contours of policing. A second way to reclaim the ‘public’ in policing, now defined not as a quality of the police but an engaged citizenry that is involved in public debates on the police, concerns the role of police scholars in the public sphere. The chapter advocates a public anthropology of police and reflects on the author's efforts to ‘go public’.


2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 401-402
Author(s):  
Rafael de la Dehesa

As I wrote in my review, Deborah Gould offers us a valuable conceptual tool kit in Moving Politics with which to explore the role of affect and emotion in social movements. In her review of my book, she invites me to address these dimensions in my own account of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender (LGBT) activism in Brazil and Mexico.


Author(s):  
Ann Brooks

This chapter addresses the significance of social movements in accelerating women into the public sphere as public intellectuals. Indeed, the role of social movements was important in defining women public intellectuals politically. The growth of social movements has to be set alongside the expansion of higher education for women, as well as the expansion of the print industry. This led to an expansion and broadening of the base of women's participation in political activity, particularly around specific campaigns and causes. Women were actively involved, individually and collectively, in a number of campaigns prior to the emergence of the suffrage movement. Ultimately, the intersection of gender and class was an important factor leading to the growth of both political activism and, more specifically, the emergence of the suffragettes and later women's liberation movement (WLM). Analysis shows that the motivation of most women was pragmatic and issue based as opposed to ideological. Issue-based politics covered all social classes and thus brought women together in social activism and within social movements.


Modern Italy ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nina Rothenberg

This article aims to provide a systematic, comparative analysis of two of the main women's mass publications in order to trace continuities and changes in the development of women's role in the public sphere in Italy. The analysis begins with an elaboration of the social and political context, which is crucial for the understanding of media texts in general. It shows how the existence of only limited political spaces in post-war Italian society due to the polarisation of Catholicism and communism delayed both an open political discourse on women's conditions and the gradual development of an autonomous and lay feminist movement. Noi Donne of Union Donne Italiene (UDI) was closely aligned with and financed by the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and lacked any substantial autonomy until the early 1970s, while Cronache of the Catholic women's organisation Centro Italiano Femminile (CIF) was a faithful instrument for the propagation of those Catholic concepts of femininity that were redefined and reinforced by the Vatican in the Catholic publication Civiltà Cattolica.


2019 ◽  
pp. 174619791985999 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hillel Wahrman ◽  
Hagit Hartaf

This article investigates the phenomenology of Social Education Coordinators in Israeli high schools regarding school’s civic education. Twenty-one semi-structured interviews were conducted, followed by a two-stage coding process. The Social Education Coordinators indicate that their schools seem to be unified behind the goal of maximal citizenship. However, their unique position as agents of non-formal pedagogies gains them insight into the role of pedagogy in advancing various citizenship models and the struggle in schools between opposing pedagogies and citizenship models. Formal pedagogies are understood to be incoherent; they speak of maximal citizenship, however, habituate minimal citizenship. Informal pedagogies are understood to be coherent, to both speak and habituate maximal citizenship. From the Social Education Coordinators’ perspective, their attempt to insert meaningful informal pedagogies and true maximal citizenship is subversive and a show of agency. They perceive themselves as still weak but significant players in providing students with ‘voice’ in the public sphere. This analysis may advance our understanding of schools as arenas of incoherency and contradictions, of simultaneously pushing toward contradictory civic education ideals; it may highlight the civic significance of pedagogy choice and raise the issue of cultivating informal civic education pedagogies as a basic student right, a democratic right to cultivate ‘voice’.


2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 513-526
Author(s):  
Amy Daughton

Contemporary Catholic Social Teaching has increasingly come to bear on the moral and political horizons of our interdependent lives, seeking to address the nature and purpose of our common striving for human flourishing. Frequently, Rerum Novarum is identified as an origin point for CST as a distinctive thread within the deeper tradition of Catholic theology attentive to justice and the common good. The focus on justice in labour practices, especially living wages and social participation, demonstrates its contemporary relevance, but can it contribute to the public debate on such issues, beyond the framework of its particular convictions? This article suggests that Rerum Novarum offers theological reasoning in and for the public sphere by way of its insistence on the social bond as foundation and task; the role of political and cultural plurality in formation and action; and a rich vision of public life as morally participatory for all.


Author(s):  
Angela Dranishnikova ◽  
Ivan Semenov

The national legal system is determined by traditional elements characterizing the culture and customs that exist in the social environment in the form of moral standards and the law. However, the attitude of the population to the letter of the law, as a rule, initially contains negative properties in order to preserve personal freedom, status, position. Therefore, to solve pressing problems of rooting in the minds of society of the elementary foundations of the initial order, and then the rule of law in the public sphere, proverbs and sayings were developed that in essence contained legal educational criteria.


2021 ◽  
pp. 2336825X2110291
Author(s):  
Vasil Navumau ◽  
Olga Matveieva

One of the distinctive traits of the Belarusian ‘revolution-in-the-making’, sparked by alleged falsifications during the presidential elections and brutal repressions of protest afterwards, has been a highly visible gender dimension. This article is devoted to the analysis of this gender-related consequences of protest activism in Belarus. Within this research, the authors analyse the role of the female movement in the Belarusian uprising and examine, and to which extent this involvement expands the public sphere and contributes to the changes in gender-related policies. To do this, the authors conducted seven semi-structured in-depth interviews with the gender experts and activists – four before and four after the protests.


2010 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig Calhoun

In this article I ask (1) whether the ways in which the early bourgeois public sphere was structured—precisely by exclusion—are instructive for considering its later development, (2) how a consideration of the social foundations of public life calls into question abstract formulations of it as an escape from social determination into a realm of discursive reason, (3) to what extent “counterpublics” may offer useful accommodations to failures of larger public spheres without necessarily becoming completely attractive alternatives, and (4) to what extent considering the organization of the public sphere as a field might prove helpful in analyzing differentiated publics, rather than thinking of them simply as parallel but each based on discrete conditions. These considerations are informed by an account of the way that the public sphere developed as a concrete ideal and an object of struggle in late-eighteenth- and early-nineteenth-century Britain.


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