Challenges of Integrating Complexity and Evolution into Economics

Author(s):  
Robert Axtell ◽  
Alan Kirman ◽  
Iain D. Couzin ◽  
Daniel Fricke ◽  
Thorsten Hens ◽  
...  

Complex systems theory and evolutionary theory hold important insight for economics, yet to date they have played a limited role in shaping modern economic theory. This chapter reviews different notions of equilibrium and explores four distinct areas relevant to the incorporation of evolutionary and complexity ideas into economics, finance, and policy. It investigates the determinants of major economic transitions, such as the Industrial Revolution or the collapse of the Soviet Union. It asks whether evolutionary processes should lead to an increase in complexity, on average, of economic and social systems over time. It reviews modern theories of group learning in biology, which have both evolutionary and complexity dimensions, to see if they might be relevant to human social institutions, such as firms. It analyzes whether the structure of human interactions or individual human intelligence is primarily responsible for the performance of our institutions. Finally, it finds that methods of evolutionary analysis and of complex systems to be extremely useful in capturing the open-ended, evolving nature of an economy composed of interactive agents and suggests that these methods be used to create to more realistic models of actual markets and economies.

Author(s):  
Mark B. Smith

The Soviet Union was the workers’ state and worker culture, broadly defined, coloured the whole of the Soviet experience. At the centre of the most transformative Soviet project of all, Stalin’s industrial revolution of 1928–41, workers benefited from specific privileges and from affirmative action, though they also suffered the misery of rapid industrial change. After 1953, they enjoyed a heyday of modest material advances and moral certainties, marked by the sense that society respected at least some of their values and would do so forever. But this sense was not shared by all Soviet workers, and lifestyles varied by industry, skill level, and region. And the heyday faded as shortages became increasingly difficult to endure, and then ended, as Gorbachev’s reforms destroyed the comforts that remained. A positive worker identity, but not a coherent class consciousness, survived through toperestroika, and helped to sustain the dynamic of Soviet history.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (104) ◽  
pp. 1552-1590
Author(s):  
م.د. نجلاء عدنان حسين

       The Russian Revolution of 1917, or the Bolshevik Revolution, was one of the most important historical events in Europe during the First World War. This revolution changed the course of Russian history. Its outbreak led to the formation of the Soviet Union, which was dismantled in the late 20th century. Because of a number of popular unrest and protests against the rule of Russian tsars and the Russian Empire, whose reign was characterized by the slow development of the country because of the existence of a political system subject to autocratic regimes and the control of nobles and landlords in all aspects of life in Russia, made the Russian society in the late century Nineteen rural people in the majority of workers and peasants, with the influence of the clergy and the imperial palace, accompanied by a primitive social structure, a backward economy and an autocratic government. Life in Russia was in the style of the Middle Ages. Russia retreated from the European industrial revolution until 1860, This led the people to wage a revolt against the Russian reactionary tsarist government in 1917. It was one of the most famous leaders of the Russian Revolution, Vladimir Lenin, who was called the " Revolutionaries of this revolution the Bolsheviks name or Almnschwk means the majority.


Author(s):  
Anand Toprani

The struggle for oil has been at the center of international politics since the beginning of the twentieth century. Securing oil—or, more precisely, access to it—has also been at the heart of many great powers’ grand strategies during that time, particularly those in oil-poor Europe. The Continent’s geographical and geological endowments, particularly its rich coal seams, had facilitated its rise to global predominance following the conquest of the New World and the start of the Industrial Revolution, but they conspired against it during the Age of Oil. Rather than accept their relegation to second-tier status, Britain and Germany developed elaborate strategies to restore their energy independence. These efforts wound up compromising their security by inducing strategic overextension—for Britain in the Middle East, and for Germany in the Soviet Union—thereby hastening their demise as great powers. For these reasons, the history of oil is also a chapter in the story of Europe’s geopolitical decline....


1965 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 31-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert Feuerwerker

It will be evident to a reader of historical works produced in the People's Republic of China that this article, in the choice of subject-matter and in its treatment, is decidedly influenced by the current domestic and foreign political “line” of the Communist Party and Government. This is a relative matter, not absolute, but I would suggest that the dominant “class viewpoint” of the first decade of the Peking régime which produced an anonymous history of dynasties without “feudal” emperors or bureaucrats, literature minus the landlord-scholar-official literatus and nameless peasant rebellions as the central matter of China's history, was to a degree correlated with the process of the internal consolidation of power which may more or less be said to have been accomplished with the completion of the collectivisation of agriculture. The more recent “historicist” trend, which while not rejecting entirely its predecessor concentrates on what may be “positively inherited” from the “feudal” past, represents a quickening of Chinese nationalism fanned to a red-hot intensity, one cannot resist the temptation to conjecture, by the increasingly severe quarrel with the Soviet Union. Soviet Russian commentary on recent Chinese historiography, for example, accuses the Chinese of the “introduction of dogmatic, anti-Marxist and openly nationalistic and racist views.” The Chinese, for their now relatively favourable view of the thirteenth-century Mongol conquests (which are seen as calamitous by the Russians and other Europeans), for their claim that Chinese “feudalism” is the classical model of this historical phenomenon, and because they exaggerate the role of Confucian ideas and their influence on Western philosophy, are roundly condemned by the Russians for “bourgeois nationalism.”


Slavic Review ◽  
1971 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen Mickiewicz

Lenin was one of the first political theorists to emphasize the enormous potential impact that manipulation of modern communications channels could have on a recipient population. It may therefore not be surprising that indices of penetration by the communications networks of the world's states suggest that the Soviet pattern is unique. For example, The World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators places groups of states on a developmental spectrum and finds that the Soviet Union, as well as Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Poland, Hungary, East Germany, and Czechoslovakia, are “industrial revolution” societies, one stage behind the more developed “high mass-consumption” societies, where the United States, Canada, and much of Western Europe have been placed. It is true that according to the indices of Gross National Product and urbanization the Soviet-type states do cluster in the range that includes such states as Italy, Argentina, and Venezuela. However, if we look at percentage adult literacy or percentage voting, the Soviet-type states easily rank with the highest “high mass-consumption” societies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-266
Author(s):  
A A Mikhaylenko ◽  
I V Litvinenko ◽  
M M Odinak ◽  
N V Tsygan ◽  
P S Dynin

Creative and life path of M.I. Astvatsaturov is exceptionally multifaceted: a fully educated physician and a surprisingly modest and intelligent person; a remarkable clinician and excellent medical teacher; a deep and original scientist and the owner of virtually absolute musical ear; the founder of the national military neurology, a connoisseur of high poetry and classical music of Russian composers. However, the top of his diverse creativity, which brought him fame far beyond the borders of the country, was the formation in the domestic neurology of a new and original scientific direction - biogenetic (evolutionary) analysis of polymorphic clinical phenomena in diseases of the nervous system. I. Ja. Razdolsky argued that «the most original and vivid direction in the development of neuropathology, not only in Leningrad, but also in the Soviet Union over the past 40 years was the introduction of M.I. Astvatsaturov’s evolutionary method in the analysis of clinical phenomena». The first publications on the problematic subject, which served as «the key to understanding a number of phenomena in the pathology of the nervous system, which before had not explanation...», date back to 1913-1916 after M.I. Astvatsaturov’s three-year scientific trip to the best European clinics and laboratories in Berlin, Frankfurt am Main, Hamburg, Heidelberg, Munich, Vienna, Paris, London, Zurich and work for outstanding neurologists and psychiatrists - G. Oppenheim, L. Edinger, M. Nonne, Erba, E. Krepelin, Z. Freud, J. Babinsky, J. Dezherin, P. Marie, V.Manyan, V. Horsley, K. Monakov. Especially widely and vividly the diversity of opinions and scientific hypotheses were presented within the framework of the Astvatsurov’s biogenetic concept in clinical neurology in terms of the formation and improvement of motility, the clinical manifestation of pathological reflexes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-131
Author(s):  
Vylius Leonavičius ◽  
Eglė Ozolinčiūtė

The Soviet past is crucial in understanding the processes of transformation of the Lithuanian kolkhoz system into the farming practices of free-market economy. The violent and forced incorporation of the nation-states into the Soviet Union radically transformed societies. In our analysis of kolkhoz system and its transformations, we use two different concepts – Soviet modernity and modernity of the Soviet period. These concepts let us to approach the agricultural project of the Soviet collective farming as an alternative system of social institutions for implementation of industrial farming of modern society. The concept of entangled modernity refers to interaction of two trends of modernization and defines the kolkhoz as a hybrid or a result of intertwining of two models of modernity – the universal and the Soviet one. By applying the concept of entangled modernity and hybrids to the interpretation of the kolkhoz’s post-Soviet transformation, the article explores the experiences of social actors and the inevitable human and material losses of the hybrid’s transformation. In our theoretical interpretation, we use data from interviews with former agents of the kolkhoz system and legislative documents.


Author(s):  
Angela Harutyunyan

This book addresses the discursive and representational field of contemporary art in Armenia in the context of the post-Soviet condition, from the late 1980s through the 1990s up until the early 2000s. Contemporary art, I argue, is what best captures the historical and social contradictions of the period of the so-called ‘transition’, especially if one considers ‘transition’ from the perspective of the former Soviet republics that have been consistently marginalized in Russian- and East European-dominated post-socialist studies. Occupying a sphere distinct from other social and cultural spheres of productive activity and yet inextricably connected to social institutions, contemporary art in Armenia has become a negative mirror for the social: art has been viewed as that which reflects those wishes and desires for emancipation that the social world has been incapable of accommodating in both late Soviet and post-Soviet contexts. Contemporary art’s status as a negative mirror is due to its particular historical emergence in transnational (Soviet) and national (post-Soviet) contexts, its peculiar institutionalization in relation to official cultural discourse, and to a prevailing belief in art’s autonomy. Throughout the two decades that encompass the chronological scope of this work, contemporary art has encapsulated the difficult dilemmas of autonomy and social participation, innovation and tradition, progressive political ethos and national identification, the problematic of communication with the world beyond Armenia’s borders, dreams of subjective freedom and the imperative to find an identity in the new circumstances after the collapse of the Soviet Union. These are questions that have occupied culture and society at large, in the post-Soviet context and beyond. Yet the contradictions embedded in these questions are best crystallized in contemporary art, because of its peculiar position within the social sphere. This historical study aims at outlining the politics (liberal democracy), aesthetics (autonomous art secured by the gesture of the individual artist) and ethics (ideals of absolute freedom and radical individualism) of contemporary art in Armenia in post-Soviet conditions from a critical perspective and in ways that point towards the limitations of the aesthetic ...


1960 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-104
Author(s):  
Brian Rodgers ◽  
Jean Blondel ◽  
R. B. McDowell ◽  
F. Ridley ◽  
H. Daalder ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Kaan DİYARBAKIRLIOĞLU

The Nagorno-Karabakh problem had continued for years. The problem had grown thanks to the policies of Russia in the region. The Russians first had carried out expansionist policies. After the industrial revolution, oil in the Caucasus had gained importance in the region. Therefore, the Russian Armenians immigrated to these regions. Strategic plans have been developed to increase the Christian population in the region and to make the region a region without Turks. Armenia and Azerbaijan had gained independence after the Soviet Union collapsed after the Cold War. After the Soviet Union, Russia had given the region the right to self-determination, and the population in the Nagorno-Karabakh region began to be Armenian. Azerbaijani Turks were immigrated from this region. Negotiating groups have been included for the solution of the problem in this region and a ceasefire has been signed between the two countries. Violations had occurred over the years after the ceasefire signed between the two countries. Russia had not wanted the presence of international actors in this region. For this reason, Russia continues to be on the Armenian side. Today, Russia has a voice in the region with a balanced policy. Nagorno-Karabakh region is legally connected to Azerbaijan and has not been recognized as de-facto.


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