How to Better Manage Public Expectations and Information Concerning Oil and Chemical Spill Response

2014 ◽  
Vol 2014 (1) ◽  
pp. 300295
Author(s):  
Doug Helton ◽  
Vicki Loe

NOAA's Office of Response and Restoration (OR&R) provides scientific expertise to support incident response and initiates natural resource damage assessment both in the U.S. and internationally. Although OR&R has responded to every major spill in the U.S. over the past 35 years, OR&R continues to face challenges in communicating realistic expectations of response outcomes, in having technical products interpreted correctly by the public, and communicating the degree of uncertainty surrounding such events. Unlike hurricanes, and because large spills are rare and generally man-made, the public expects rapid, complete, and accurate information on the fate and effects, even as the spill event is still unfolding and the response is on-going. An example of a product that is frequently confusing to the public is the OR&R trajectory map, the modeling tool used to predict the possible route of an oil spill. These maps are frequently misinterpreted as the footprint of the spill as opposed to where the oil might go. Another common misconception concerns how much oil can be recovered following a spill. Given the limitations of mechanical recovery, and the rapidity with which oil spreads, evaporates, and disperses at sea, it is impossible to recover all of the spilled oil. Furthermore, oil may be left in environmentally sensitive areas because the attempt to recover the oil could cause irreparable damage. As a result, mechanical recovery generally accounts for less than 5-20% of the overall oil budget, yet the public has an expectation that the goal of a response is to remove all of the oil from the environment. Public pressure, based on these expectations, may result is response decisions that cause more harm than good. This poster will detail a project that will give recommendations on how to manage public expectations on spill response and communicate technical information through the media and elsewhere. The goal of this project, which will be detailed on our poster, is to make OR&R a reliable and comprehensive source of information on ongoing or past spill events and close the disconnect caused by differing expectations.

2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292110297
Author(s):  
Tyler Hughes ◽  
Gregory Koger

Both Congressional parties compete to promote their own reputations while damaging the opposition party’s brand. This behavior affects both policy-making agendas and the party members’ communications with the media and constituents. While there has been ample study of partisan influence on legislative agenda-setting and roll call voting behavior, much less is known about the parties’ efforts to shape the public debate. This paper analyzes two strategic decisions of parties: the timing of collective efforts to influence the public policy debate and the substantive content of these “party messaging” events. These dynamics are analyzed using a unique dataset of 50,195 one-minute speeches delivered on the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives from 1989 to 2016. We find a pattern of strategic matching—both parties are more likely to engage in concurrent messaging efforts, often on the same issue.


Information ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (7) ◽  
pp. 275
Author(s):  
Peter Cihon ◽  
Jonas Schuett ◽  
Seth D. Baum

Corporations play a major role in artificial intelligence (AI) research, development, and deployment, with profound consequences for society. This paper surveys opportunities to improve how corporations govern their AI activities so as to better advance the public interest. The paper focuses on the roles of and opportunities for a wide range of actors inside the corporation—managers, workers, and investors—and outside the corporation—corporate partners and competitors, industry consortia, nonprofit organizations, the public, the media, and governments. Whereas prior work on multistakeholder AI governance has proposed dedicated institutions to bring together diverse actors and stakeholders, this paper explores the opportunities they have even in the absence of dedicated multistakeholder institutions. The paper illustrates these opportunities with many cases, including the participation of Google in the U.S. Department of Defense Project Maven; the publication of potentially harmful AI research by OpenAI, with input from the Partnership on AI; and the sale of facial recognition technology to law enforcement by corporations including Amazon, IBM, and Microsoft. These and other cases demonstrate the wide range of mechanisms to advance AI corporate governance in the public interest, especially when diverse actors work together.


Kosmik Hukum ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 44
Author(s):  
Cindy Bella Devina ◽  
Dissa Chandra Iswari ◽  
Go Christian Bryan Goni ◽  
Devi Kimberly Lirungan

The existence of hoaxes in Indonesia has been around for a long time. However, the term hoax was widespread and became part of daily conversations in the media and the public during the 2014 and 2019 Presidential Election. The rapid development of social media use and the ease of information exchange accelerated the spread of hoax. Even in the COVID-19 pandemic, hoax news about the corona virus and matters related to it are widespread in the community. This hoax news, both during the Election and the Covid-19 Outbreak, caused much unrest in the community. Some of the hoax news spreaders were jailed for violations of the ITE Law. Various legal practitioners and academics have also suggested that hoax news creators and spreaders be criminalized. This article reviews normatively whether the criminalization of hoax news is feasible for reasons of maintaining stability or needs to be eliminated to maintain freedom of opinion. The author reviews the normative aspects of criminalizing the creation and dissemination of hoax news by using Habermas' theory of deliberative democracy. Through this theory, the writer finds that hoax news makes aspects of democracy such as dialogue that is full of awareness and accurate information unattainable. This is also in line with what the Indonesian constitution wants. However, it is necessary to ensure that the criminalization of hoaxes is not used as an instrument of abuse of power considering that the circulation of hoaxes is a symptom of a problem rather than the root of the problem itself.Keywords: Fake News, Criminalization, Stability, Freedom of Speech, Deliberative Democracy, Legal Revuew


2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claire Bithell

SummaryThe media offers opportunities for psychiatrists to communicate with a wide and varied audience, thereby influencing the views of the public and policy makers on mental health issues. There are many different types of media outlet, including daily news media, documentary makers, specialist media, features and comment, and new media. The Science Media Centre is an independent press office that aims to help ensure that the views of scientists, clinicians and researchers are heard in the UK national news media when their area of expertise hits the headlines. In the news media, journalists work to tight time frames and often focus on sensational and controversial topics, presenting challenges for those wanting to engage. For experts to work effectively with the news media it helps to understand more about the way the media works and how to develop necessary skills. Psychiatrists who do work successfully with the media can help ensure that the public receive accurate information about mental health problems, and gain an appreciation of the importance of research in the field and a better understanding of the role of the psychiatrist.


2017 ◽  
Vol 80 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariam F Alkazemi ◽  
Shahira Fahmy ◽  
Wayne Wanta

U.S. President Barack Obama's much-anticipated address in Egypt in 2009 promised a new beginning between the U.S. government and the Arab world but only a few years later there were many criticisms that the U.S. President did not live up to his promises, driving Arab attitudes toward the United States to their lowest point in years. Five years later, we analyzed Arabic-language twitter messages involving President Obama to examine cognitive and affective attributes. Results show that tweets by members of the media differed greatly from tweets by members of the public. The public tweets held more negative attitudes towards the U.S. President than tweets by news organizations. Members of the public also were more likely to link the President to a wider range of countries, suggesting a greater diversity of attributes, while primarily fixating on the Palestinian issue.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (Special Issue) ◽  
pp. 137-138
Author(s):  
Federico Nicoli ◽  
◽  
Paul J. Cummins ◽  
Joseph A. Raho ◽  
◽  
...  

"In the aftermath of the 2014 Ebola outbreak, media coverage was scrutinized for sensationalism, weakness in explaining scientific uncertainty, dehumanization of patients, and lack of contextualization. The current COVID-19 crisis presents an opportunity to assess whether the media learned its lesson. Results are mixed. Early reporting on the origin of COVID-19 in “wet markets” indicates that the media continues to do poorly with contextualization. On the other hand, stories on mortality and the infectiousness of COVID-19 indicate there has been improvement. The situation remains fluid as COVID-19 threatens to transform into a pandemic at the time of submission. Data from new countries may alter the reported rates of lethality and infectiousness, and media reporting on these changes may or may not be responsible. The explosion of social media, as a medium to promote reporting, could provide bioethicists a tool to direct the public to reliable stories and criticize inaccurate ones. Using a bioethics perspective, this poster will critically evaluate the quality of U.S. and Italian news media’s reporting on the evolving scientific understanding of COVID-19 and its contextualization. The presentation will employ QR technology to provide links to media coverage of COVID-19 from the U.S. and Italian news media. After critically appraising the quality of COVID-19 reporting, this poster will consider if bioethicists: 1) should provide comment to the media on pandemics; 2) should correct reporting for the public and 3) have a duty to publicly criticize sensationalism in the media. "


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Aysar Tahseen Yaseen

At first it was the coronavirus briefings held at the White House and lead by the U.S. president Donald Trump. In these briefings and with the help of certain intrinsic and known-to-the public characteristics of the president’s personality such as the love of power, authority and control, appreciation of dictatorship, arrogance, and self-aggrandizing, the media managed to portray the president as a person with modest or even poor communication skills, a bigot, a self-congratulatory, a liar, a self-opinionated, and a self-righteous. Second, it was George Floyd’s murder as a result of the brutality of four white police officers in Minneapolis, Minnesota which overtook the nationwide pandemic, the coronavirus. Floyd’s grievous death sparked waves of protests in major cities nationwide, and instead of standing up for his citizen’s rights, Trump turned a blind eye to this heinous crime. Furthermore, Trump failed verbally and nonverbally to address the grieving nation and to show empathy and solidarity with the victim and his family. His words did not match the grave and horrific situation, and his voice tone and his facial expressions failed to pacify the irate public. The media outlets were there to expose Trump’s deadly mishaps and glitches not just to the American public but to the whole world. With the help of the media, American people were able to detect the fallacy of his arguments and claims. These outlets were happy to dedicate hundreds of hours of live coverage in its quest to pave the way for Trump’s demise and fall.


2017 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tin Bunjevac

Over the last 20 years, courts in Australia and many developed countries have experienced an exponential increase in the number and complexity of cases coming before them, which was also accompanied by increasing public expectations regarding the cost, timeliness, quality and accessibility of justice. Judges have found themselves under increasing pressure from politicians, prosecutors, lawyers, the media and other stakeholders to share the burden of cost-cutting in the public sector and deliver more justice in less time and for less money.


Author(s):  
Peter Lurie

This book concludes by relating its discussion of visualizing history to the media and the public response to the 9/11 terrorist attacks. It shows their overly mediated depiction to have a precedent in Civil War photography, and it avers the shared impulse to visualize attending each of these epochal historical events. The Conclusion reads Toni Morrison’s Beloved as offering a salutary “forgetful remembrance” of history in the novel’s model of “rememory” and as an alternative to historicist criticism, as well as to U.S. culture’s visual archiving of a supposedly accessible and remediable past. The discussion also links Morrison’s work to post-9/11 poetry and to contemporary and recent African-American cinema, which, like Beloved, shows the occasion and the need for a willful look forward for both racialized subjects and for the U.S. polity generally in a postdigital age.


2007 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Carrie A. Rentschler

Abstract: This paper seeks to explain how crime victims have become increasingly visible in the criminal justice system and in media portrayals of crime by looking to the U.S. victims’ rights movement and its strategic mobilization of a particular construction of “crime victim” into the public sphere. Through analysis of the movement’s documentation of its media strategies and new forms of victim-oriented journalistic practice, the paper demonstrates how the movement portrays crime through its construction of crime victims as a class of citizens without rights, through which the families of murder victims become proxy-victims. Résumé : Cet article cherche à expliquer la visibilité croissante des victimes de délits dans le système criminel de justice et dans les représentations de crime dans les médias en observant le mouvement des droits des victimes et sa mobilisation stratégique d’une construction spécifique de la “victime de délits” dans la sphère publique. Par l’analyse de la documentation que possède le mouvement de ses stratégies médiatiques et de nouvelles formes de pratiques journalistiques orientées vers les victimes, l’article démontre comment le mouvement dépeint le crime via une construction des victimes de délits en tant que classe de citoyens sans droits, où les familles des victimes de meurtre peuvent tenir lieu de victimes.


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