Free France, the British Government and the Future of French Indo-China, 1940–45

2021 ◽  
pp. 223-251
Author(s):  
Martin Thomas
2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 85-93
Author(s):  
Jan Marinus Wiersma

The main topic of this article is the impact of Brexit on eu’s cooperation on security and defence. The British government has indicated that the uk as an important international actor wants to maintain a leading role promoting European security. nato remains in the uk perspective the most important forum for that. But since the Euro Atlantic organisation does not cover all aspects of European security, new forms of cooperation between the eu and Britain after Brexit have to be explored since both share the same ideas about a rules based international order and have common interests in maintaining security on the continent.


1974 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann Trotter

For Japan and Britain, 1934 was a year when naval policy was a major issue. During that year, decisions had to be made on the future of the Washington and London naval disarmament treaties, and, for both Tokyo and London, the political implications of the abrogation or renewal of these treaties were at least as important as the technical. The Japanese Government could not afford to renew the treaties, the British Government could not afford to see them go. In this situation, the feasibility of an Anglo-Japanese non-aggression pact, one of the purposes of which would be to check the demands of the Japanese navy, was seriously considered by the British.


1976 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Greenwood

The United Kingdom's defence effort has undergone profound transformation in the thirty years since the end of the Second World War. Further change is foreshadowed in the programme for the forthcoming decade which emerged from the Labour Government's 1974 Defence Review. Indeed, as Britain's economic distress persisted through 1975 it became apparent that the budgetary projections yielded by this “most extensive and thorough review of our system of defence ever undertaken by a British Government in peacetime” would themselves come in for further scrutiny and revision. Even the future is not what it used to be.


1986 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 533-555 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey K. Fry

For the first time in the modern history of British government it is a matter of serious public debate whether or not there should continue to be a career civil service, more particularly a career higher civil service. Important though the advent of the Conservative Government first elected in 1979 has been in bringing the matter of the career civil service to a head, discontent with the kind of service which Sir Charles Trevelyan advocated in the 1850s, and Sir Warren Fisher actually fashioned in the 1920s, for Sir Edward Bridges to celebrate later, has been rife for many years, and this discontent has been present in politicians on all sides. Fabian reformism, though, has given way to more combative attitudes generated by the revived economic liberalism which is present in the Thatcher Government, which creed threatens the bureaucratic self-interest of the career civil service, and which has helped to make that service's relationship with that Government a conflictual one. Foreign arrangements are cited in the discussion which follows about the future of the career civil service, in which it is argued that the Thatcher Government implicitly subscribes to a form of ‘capture theory’ about the role which the career civil service has come to play, with regard to which the Government's attitudes are essentially conservative.


1997 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Thomas

This article traces the development of Gaullist and British policies with respect to Indo-China from the fall of France in 1940 to the end of the Far Eastern war five years later. Directed toward restoring imperial influence in Southeast Asia, these policies were sophisticated and complex, but they bore little fruit owing to the relative strategic insignificance of Indo-China during this period, and the imperatives of Anglo-American relations.


1996 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 267-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arend Lijphart

The Purpose of This Article is To Analyse The Document ‘A Framework for Accountable Government in Northern Ireland’, published by the British government in early 1995, and to assess its significance in terms of the theory of powersharing (consociational democracy). The Framework Document, as it is usually called, received a hostile reception from many Unionist politicians in Northern Ireland. The ideas that it contains, however, resonate with many previous blueprints for the future of Northern Ireland. In some form they are very likely to re-emerge in the proposed solutions that will follow the ‘all-party’ talks set for June 1996. I shall show that the Framework plan for democratic government in Northern Ireland is completely and thoroughly consociational in its orientation. It confirms the proposition that power-sharing is a necessary (but not sufficient) condition for viable democracy in deeply divided societies.


1836 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 244-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rám Ráz

[It will be of use to the future historian of British India, to know the precise periods at which the British government granted to the natives of the Island of Ceylon, and of the different parts of India, those rights which are alike calculated to elevate both their moral and their political character; and, also, to be enabled to refer to the opinions which were entertained at the time upon the subject, by the people of the country. One of the most important of these rights was that of sitting upon juries, and of being tried by juries of their own countrymen. It is, therefore, thought advisable to record the period, and to give some account of the circumstances under which the British government granted this right to the natives of the Island of Ceylon, and to the natives of the different parts of India; and, also, to give a copy of a paper written to Mr. GræMe, the late Governor of Madras, by Rám Ráz, who was native Chief Judge of the Mysore country, and one of the most enlightened of the Hindú inhabitants of the peninsula of India.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (51) ◽  

The Ottoman Empire had to withdraw from the war by signing the Armistice of Mudros at the end of the First World War. As a result of this armistice, which contains very hars conditions, the Entente States occupied many parts of the empire and began to deploy the Ottoman army. After that, discussions started among the Entente States about the peace treaty with the Ottoman Empire. The most imported issues in the peace negotiations process were the debate on the future of the Straits and whether Istanbul should be left to the Turks. While this issue was discussed among the Entente States at the Paris Peace Conference, it also occupied the agenda in Parliament of Great Britain. This article will analyze the decision of the British Government about the future of Istanbul and the Straits regime and the session held in Parliament of Great Britain to evaluate this decision. Keywords: the Ottoman Empire, the First World War, Great Britain, Istanbul


2021 ◽  
Vol 120 (4) ◽  
pp. 892-902
Author(s):  
Keir Milburn

Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership of the Labour Party has allowed age to emerge as a dramatic new axis of political division. This article treats the political generation gap as, in part, a transformation in class composition. Most notably, starting with the political age divide makes recognition of a shift toward an asset-based economy hard to avoid. The economic crisis of 2008, and the British government responses to it, have provoked a contradiction between the two main avenues through which neoliberal subjectivities are trained. While neoliberal institutional reform and the styles of management that accompany it continue to train the young in line with theories of human capital, the specific nature of their entrainment in bonds of debt increasingly undermine the notions of meritocracy on which the human capital metaphor implicitly depends. This contradiction opens up possibilities for constructing more open conceptions of the future which can, in turn, be embedded within institutions yet to be created.


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