СИНТАКТИЧНАТА ПАРАДИГМА ВЪВ ФОРМАЛНОТО СИНТАКТИЧНО ОПИСАНИЕ / SYNTACTIC PARADIGM IN THE FORMAL SYNTACTIC DESCRIPTION

The paper deals with the scope of the term syntactic paradigm with a view to the syntactic description in the framework of a normative grammar of Bulgarian. The overview of the content of the term as understood by different authors shows that the proposed definitions do not satisfy the requirement for an independent description of form and content adopted as a basic principle in normative grammar. The reason for this is that scholars take as a point of departure the lexeme, an idiomatic (individual) set of word forms with an identical and regularly differentiated semantic characteristics that enter into regular oppositions. The paper offers an entirely formal understanding of the term syntactic paradigm whose applicability in the syntactic component of normative grammar is illustrated with selected subparadigms that include formal sentence structures consisting of simple endocentric syntactic constructions with verbs, prepositions and nouns. Keywords: syntactic paradigm, formal description, sentence structures, normative grammar, Bulgarian language

Staropolski imiesłów czynny jako predykatywny atrybut

Old Polish Present Participle as a Predicative Attribute The author of the article shows that Old Polish (present) participles are transitional categories – they combine the syntactic features of an attribute and a predicate. She also tries to answer the question of how to recognize their nature. Is one of the functions dominant or are they equal? It is also important to reflect on how the choice of terminology used for syntactic description affects the way of perceiving and interpreting linguistic phenomena. The author considers the functionality of terms which already exist in the research tradition and are designed to name the double function of a participle. She also proposes the term: “predicative attribute” (in Polish: “predykatywny atrybut”) referring to the functional syntax of Stanisław Karolak. She shows that an entire separation, in a syntactic description, of the two syntactic functions performed by a participle, is ahistorical and incorrect as it suggests the existence of something which was unclear and only emerging.

Инхоативни глаголи с дателен експериенцер в българския език

This paper deals with the syntactic description of inchoative verbs of physiological state or emotion that denote a new state obtained by an experiencer argument, where the experiencer is expressed as a dative pronoun. Semantically, these verbs correspond to stative predicative constructions. Based on the analysis of corpus and dictionary data, we come to the conclusion that the inchoative verbs under discussion take three arguments — physiological state predicates assign an experiencer, a stimulus and a locative role, whereas predicates of emotion take an experiencer, a stimulus and an object of emotion. In addition, we present conclusions regarding the syntactic properties of each argument, as well as observations on the frequency of expression of the different arguments, where relevant.

Semantičko-sintaktičke osobine perifernih glagola osjetilne percepcije u hrvatskom jeziku

The subject of the paper is the semantic and syntactic description of the peripheral verbs of sensory perception in the Croatian language. Peripherality refers to the occurrence of these verbs with different semantic features, which makes some of them function as hyperonyms of the verbs of sensory perception, some may refer to all types of perception, but also create connections with other semantic fields. The analysis is based on componential analysis and cognitive linguistics, and the predicate-argument structure of those verbs is also presented. The aim of the paper is to show that these verbs have a wider range of meanings and thus greater possibilities in usage than dictionaries suggest within lexicographic description.

Verbzweitsätze aus kontrastiver Sicht (Deutsch-Italienisch): Das topologische Modell zur Verbstellung

The present paper focuses on the syntactic description of verb-second-sentences from a contrastive view (German-Italian). The study is based upon a corpus of texts written by Italian native speakers of the course German Language for Tourism at the University of Pisa. This paper is composed of two parts: the first one aims at pointing out the main grammatical structural differences between Italian and German declarative sentences as far as the position of the verb is concerned; the second one shows the results gained by analysing the corpus of written texts referring to the position of the verb in declarative sentences in order to provide a successful methodological approach to verb-second-sentences in the didactics of German as foreign language

Piru se on tuo, ei se ole karhu olemassakhan

Artikkeli käsittelee olemassa-adverbiaalin esiintymistä ja merkitystä suomen vanhoissa kansanmurteissa. Niin yleiskielessä kuin murteissa olemassa toimii adverbiaali-täydennyksenä sellaisessa kopulalauseessa, jossa ei ole paikan adverbiaalia (esim. radio oli olemassa). Tällaisten rakenteiden lisäksi olemassa esiintyy vanhoissa kansan-murteissa adverbiaalimääritteenä muissa lausetyypeissä. Digitaalisesta muoto-opin arkistosta, Lauseopin arkistosta sekä Suomen kielen näytteitä -kokoelmasta poimitun 275 esimerkin aineiston analyysi osoittaa, että olemassa esiintyy vanhoissa kansan-murteissa määritteenä kopula-, predikatiivi-, omistus-, kvanttori-, intransitiivi- ja transitiivi-lauseessa. Määritteenä toimivan olemassa-adverbiaalin merkitys ei kuitenkaan ole aina ilmeinen. Artikkelissa tarkastellaan olemassa-adverbiaalin määritekäytön semantiikkaa kognitiivisessa kehyksessä. Analyysi osoittaa, että adverbiaalin merkitys riippuu paljolti siitä lausekonstruktiosta, jossa sana esiintyy. Esimerkiksi kopulalauseen adverbiaalimääritteenä toimiva olemassa ilmaisee subjektin tarkoitteen eksistenssiä puhehetkeä laajemmin mutta myös asumista määräpaikassa. Omanlaisensa merkitys olemassa-määritteellä on transitiivi- ja intransitiivilauseissa, joissa se toimii kvantifioivana määritteenä tai episteemisenä kiellonvahvistajana. Vanhojen kansanmurteiden olemassa-sana puoltaa näkemystä, että lauserakennetta on hyvä tarkastella yksittäisiä lauseenjäseniä laajemmista konstruktioista käsin ja hakea syntaktisen kuvauksen pohjaksi aineistoa yleiskielen lisäksi murteista ja muusta puhekielestä. It’s the devil, definitely not a bear: A semantic and syntactic analysis of the adverbial olemassa in old Finnish dialects This article addresses the usage and meaning of olemassa ‘in being / existence’ as an adverbial modifier in old Finnish folk dialects. In the standard language as well as in dialects, olemassa is used as a compulsory adverbial in copula clauses that lack a locative adverbial (e.g. radio oli olemassa ‘radio existed’). In addition to these, olemassa is used in old dialects as an optional modifier in other sentence types. The data – compiled from the materials of Digital Morphology Archives for Finnish Dialects, The Finnish Dialect Syntax Archive, and Samples of Spoken Finnish – consists of 275 examples and demonstrates that olemassa is used in old dialects in copula, predicative, possessive, quantifier, intransitive and transitive clauses. However, when used as an optional adverbial, the meaning of olemassa is not always obvious. The analysis illustrates that the meaning of olemassa depends greatly on the sentence type in which it is used. For example, in a copula sentence, the word olemassa, as an optional adverbial, expresses the existence of the subject’s referent in a broader sense than merely in the current speech-act situation, or living in some particular residence. The olemassa adverbial also has its own type of meanings in transitive and intransitive sentences where it can be understood as a quantitative modifier or epistemic reinforcer of negation. The olemassa adverbial modifier of old Finnish folk dialects supports the view that syntactic structures should be analysed as constructions larger than mere lexeme constituents. In addition, syntactic description would benefit from more data regarding dialects and other colloquial language.

Avér o gavér?

This contribution is an investigation of the distribution and nature of a structure found across Northern Italian varieties, a reflex of Latin habere to which a locative particle g has been added, within the contexts of the relation between microvariation and gradual language change. A detailed morpho-syntactic description forms the basis for an analysis that suggests a probable path of univerbation of the two elements. Driving the analysis is the consideration of the original semantic features of the Latin element from which the locative particle has developed, in particular of the order of their weakening.