French Reason Clauses Without a Finite Form of the Verb

The paper discusses two elliptical constructions introduced by subordinators of reason. These structures lack some of the main sentential elements, which is why it is difficult to consider them complete subordinate reason clauses as they are usually translated into the Bosnian language. Therefore, while at the same time analyzing the examples of these constructions in the French language, the author is also considering their translation equivalents in Bosnian, proposing a possibility of resorting to more precise translation equivalents in terms of the elliptical structure parce que / puisque + attribut.

The Oxford History of Romanian Morphology

Romanian is one of the most morphologically complex Romance languages. This book is the first ever comprehensive and accessible account of how that morphological system evolved. Here are some of the most salient morphological traits distinctive of this language: it possesses an inflexional case system; unlike other Romance languages, it has an inflexional vocative; the morphological marking of number reached such a level of unpredictability that, for most nouns (and for many adjectives), the form of the plural must be independently specified alongside that of the singular; in addition to masculine and feminine, it seems to possess a third gender, often referred to as a ‘neuter’; its verb system contains a non-finite form, which apparently continues the Latin supine; the infinitive has undergone a morphological split such that one form functions now purely as a noun, while the other remains purely a verb; the distinctive morphology of the subjunctive has largely disappeared; lastly, noun and verb morphology are deeply permeated by the effects of successive sound changes, which have created remarkably complex patterns of allomorphy. The origins of many of these developments are problematic, indeed controversial. Moreover, they are problematic in ways that are of interest not only to broader historical Romance linguistics but, even more broadly, to morphological theory tout court. The Oxford History of Romanian Morphology shows how the features listed here are relevant to students and scholars interested in historical morphology generally no less than they are to Romance linguists.

Knot polynomials of open and closed curves

In this manuscript, we introduce a method to measure entanglement of curves in 3-space that extends the notion of knot and link polynomials to open curves. We define the bracket polynomial of curves in 3-space and show that it has real coefficients and is a continuous function of the curve coordinates. This is used to define the Jones polynomial in a way that it is applicable to both open and closed curves in 3-space. For open curves, the Jones polynomial has real coefficients and it is a continuous function of the curve coordinates and as the endpoints of the curve tend to coincide, the Jones polynomial of the open curve tends to that of the resulting knot. For closed curves, it is a topological invariant, as the classical Jones polynomial. We show how these measures attain a simpler expression for polygonal curves and provide a finite form for their computation in the case of polygonal curves of 3 and 4 edges.

Modal Forms with Semantics of Desire in the Altai Language

In the following article, we analyze the forms of the optative in the Altai language. The modal meaning of volition in the Altai language is expressed by various means: lexical, grammatical, analytical means, and idiomatic constructions. In the article, we offer a brief overview of the means of expression of volition. The primary focus of our study is the desiderative form with =(Ы)ксА=, along with 5 synthetic forms of optative mood: =ГАй, =СА, =(А)йын, =СЫн, =БАзЫн. We show that in the modern Altai language, the finite form with =(Ы)ксА= is widely used in spoken language, with limited compatibility. The form with =(Ы)ксА= is used with the lexical-semantic group of verbs denoting physiological, psychological, or social needs of the subject, for example: јаныкса ʻto want to go homeʼ from the verb јан= ʻto go homeʼ, кӧрӱксе= ʻto want to seeʼ from the verb кӧр= ʻto look’, etc. This form denotes the subject’s strong desire to do something related to their inner feelings and emotions experienced currently and at the moment of speech, or in the past, a desire aimed towards the future which the subject is confident about. Because this form’s semantic compatibility is limited, and the modal meaning of volition expressed by this form is defined as ‘non-locutive’ modality, we believe that it should not, at this stage of the language’s development, be viewed as optative mood, but rather as a non-productive word-forming affix.

The Form with =ZA in the Altai Language

In the following article, we analyze the polyfunctional form with =ZA in the Altai language. Traditionally, this form is viewed as a marker of conditional mood. Our materials show that its semantics and functions are very varied. It can be used not only in infinite functions within polypredicative constructions, but also as an independent finite form with the meaning of a non-real, contrafactive volition. When it is used as a dependent predicate, this form mainly denotes modality of an action’s conditions according to the speaker’s point of view. When one uses the if conjunction, the expected action-condition may not take place, and when the when conjunction is used, such possibility is not considered, but rather, temporal relations are expressed (consecution, simultaneity, general temporal correlation). Specific temporal meanings depend on specific tense forms of finite predicates: if the predicate of a main clause is in present tense, the construction denotes general temporal correlation; if a future tense form is used, it denotes consecution or simultaneity in the future; the past tense denotes consecution in the past. With a 2nd person singular and plural affix =ZAŋ, =ZAgAr expresses the meaning of soft incentive. The =ZA form as a marker of concessive mood denotes completion of an action in spite of conflicting conditions, which demonstrates the shift of this form towards other mood forms.

The root nominal stage: a case study of early Nungon verbs

The ‘root infinitive’ phenomenon in child speech is known from major languages such as Dutch. In this case study, a child acquiring the Papuan language Nungon in a remote village setting in Papua New Guinea uses two different non-finite verb forms as predicates of main clauses (‘root’ contexts) between ages 2;3 and 3;3. The first root non-finite form is an apparent innovation of the child, unacceptable in adult-to-adult speech, which must be learned from a special auxiliary construction in child-directed speech. The second root non-finite form functions like attested adult main clause use of the same form. During the study period, the first root non-finite form increases sharply to function as a default verb form, then decreases to nil by 3;2. The second increases gradually to near-adult levels. Both forms are non-finite and have similar proportions in the input. Thus, factors other than finiteness and frequency must explain their distributions.

The development of person agreement and the cliticization of personal pronouns in Batsbi

Most Nakh-Daghestanian languages have gender (or noun class) agreement in the verb, but do not have person agreement. This is the case with Chechen and Ingush, which are genetically the closest to Batsbi. Batsbi, by contrast, has developed person agreement with the subject in the verb along with gender agreement. This is assumed to be due to the strong influence of Georgian, which has long been the second language of Batsbi speakers. In Georgian, the verb shows person agreement with the subject as well as with the direct or indirect object. Present-day Batsbi, presumably inspired by the polypersonal agreement of Georgian, further develops the cliticization of non-subject personal pronouns. To put it simply, it seems as though Batsbi attempts to express what a Georgian verb may encode in a single, finite form by means of a verb and a personal pronoun that is cliticized to it.