Government repression disguised as anti-disinformation action: Digital journalists’ perception of COVID-19 policies in Hungary

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-176
Author(s):  
Konrad Bleyer-Simon

During the first wave of the Coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic of 2020, the Hungarian government has increased its control over the flow of official information. Its actions were justified with the aim of stopping the spread of misinformation and rumours that could jeopardize its efforts to successfully tackle the pandemic. However, media practitioners, watchdogs and politicians in Hungary and abroad criticized the measures for their adverse effects on the right to information, the freedom of expression, and especially for their potential chilling effect on the work of journalists. This interview-based study examines how journalists in digital newsrooms have perceived the measures imposed during the pandemic, and how those have impacted their daily work. As evidence from digital newsrooms shows, the malign policy had only limited adverse effects on the work of newsrooms. Media pluralism, however, was further decreased in the country through the governing political elite’s interference in the media economy.

Author(s):  
Tasaddaq Hussain Qureshi ◽  
Prof. Dr. Muhammad Aslam Pervez

This paper focuses on the frames; through which execution of Mumtaz Qadri’s editorialized by the Urdu print media of Pakistan. Eighteen editorials on the selected topic, from March 1, 2016, to April 1, 2016, are selected as a sample from five leading national newspapers viz. Jang, Nawa-e-Waqt, Ausaf, Ummat, and Islam. Freedom of expression and blasphemy depicted through consistency and discord frames is explored with the help of Galtung’s peace and violence journalism indicators. The content analysis approach is applied, with the Framing theory providing theoretical background. It has been found that Media portrayed the issue through discord frame as a dominant frame, which approved the notion of Galtung that media usually portray the conflicts through violence journalism frame. It also approved that the media have not continued framing by a uniform pace. They play an active role in opinion formation of a public. With the passage of time media changed their framing tone from discord to the consistency frames. This proves that media is conscious to enjoy the right of freedom of expression with reference to the blasphemy, in such a volatile situation.


2015 ◽  
pp. 1737-1762
Author(s):  
John Ubena

This chapter provides a critical analysis of the legal framework for access to information particularly information held by government in Tanzania. The analysis intends to establish whether the existing Right To Information (RTI) legal framework and ICT development in Tanzania facilitates universal and requisite access to government information. In order to do that, the chapter utilises a literature review to understand contemporary trends in both theory and practice. In addition, journal articles, books, reports, case law, and pieces of legislation focusing on RTI are visited to obtain deeper insights in the topic under scrutiny. The findings indicate that, despite Tanzania's efforts to embrace democracy virtues, good governance, and technology, the country lacks adequate legal framework to facilitate universal access to government information and ensure that the Right To Information (RTI) is observed in all the socio-economic contexts. To rectify this problem, there is need to enact the RTI law with clear focus of encouraging access to government information. Although two bills (the Media Service Bill [MSB] and the 2011 RTI) are currently being debated, it is not clear yet when they will become law and subsequently practiced.


1971 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 1119-1134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence W. Beer

This study sets forth the post-1945 development and present status of Japanese constitutional and procedural law on court-mass media relations, while analyzing aspects of the interaction between law and sociopolitical thought and behavior. A recent and dramatic illustration of the issues is provided by the Hakata Station Film Case: A Fukuoka court'ssubpoena(August 29, 1969) for newsfilm taken during a student-police encounter occasioned conflict between Japan's mass media and courts; the dispute was resolved by a film seizure (March 4, 1970) three months after the Supreme Court had upheld thesubpoena'sconstitutionality. The media maintain that Article 21 of the Constitution (freedom of expression) gives them the right to determine when their used or unused television film or still photographs may be employed as court evidence, even in the absence of privileged communications. This and other court cases considered, arising from Japan's perennial demonstrations, illustrate a strong tendency toward in-group unanimity, new problems in news and evidence gathering, and the operation of a non-Western legal system influenced by Japanese, European, and American traditions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 199-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ewa Sapiezynska

Two narratives dominate the literature about the state of freedom of expression in postliberal Venezuela, and they have few points in common, since they depend on different conceptualizations of the notion of freedom of expression. While the traditional liberal narrative focuses on the negative freedom that prohibits state interference, the postliberal narrative is based on positive freedom that encompasses the collective right of self-realization, particularly for the previously marginalized. During the government of Hugo Chávez, the discourse of freedom of expression was renewed, placing it in the context of power relations, accentuating positive freedom, and emphasizing the role of the public and community media. The establishment of the international public channel TeleSUR has revived the 1970s debate about the right to communication and contributed to the creation of a new Latin American-ness. En la literatura predominan dos narrativas acerca del estado de la libertad de expresión en la Venezuela posliberal las que tienen pocos puntos en común porque parten de visiones distintas del concepto de la libertad de expresión. Mientras la narrativa liberal tradicional enfoca sólo en la libertad negativa que previene la injerencia estatal, la narrativa posliberal se centra en la libertad positiva que abarca la autorrealización del derecho colectivo, también de los previamente marginalizados. Durante el gobierno de Hugo Chávez el discurso acerca de la libertad de expresión se renueva, insertando el concepto en el contexto de las relaciones de poder, acentuando la libertad positiva y enfatizando el rol de los medios públicos y comunitarios. El establecimiento del medio público internacional TeleSUR revive los debates sobre el derecho a la comunicación de la década de los 70 y aporta a la creación de una nueva Latinoamericanidad.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-236
Author(s):  
Md. Aliur Rahman ◽  
Harun-Or Rashid

The Digital Security Act 2018 has created some barriers for citizens' accessing information and freedom of expression, particularly for the media professionals including journalists in Bangladesh. Thus, investigative journalism is now in a state of fear for distinction. In this context, the purpose of the study is to explore various effects of this Act, as well as to focus on different directions of protection while facing fears associated with the law. Showing the necessities for investigative journalism, this article also presented different fields of such an effective journalism. Methodologically, this article has followed the qualitative approach and collected information from both the primary and secondary sources. The findings from this study have shown that the fear of negative impacts form the Digital Security Act is dominant although the aim of the law, as described, is to provide security for information and communication. From the analysis of opinions of experts, it is easily predictable that some articles of the law have created dangerous threats on the way of investigative journalism, considering its applicable effects. Most of the experts expressed concerns about the negative impacts the law does have, as shown in the findings.  It is also reflected that these harmful effects would fall ultimately on the shoulder of the state creating such a bad situation where the government is feared to have lagged in terms of taking the right decisions at the right time.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 192-203
Author(s):  
Araz Ramazan Ahmad ◽  
Nazakat Hussein Hamasaeed ◽  
Muhammad Saud

This paper mainly aims to argue the research questions “what is the right of privacy?, how the article 8 protected privacy in Act 1998 and to deliberate the case of princes Diana Between the freedom of expression and protect the privacy?. Hence, to discourse the impact of the media Law in dealing  with freedom of expression and the right of privacy.  This paper will argues the concept of the Freedom of expression which is one of the most fundamental aspect of the individuals rights that enjoy in everyday life. It is fundamental to the existence of democracy and the respect of human dignity in the community. On the other hand, the paper will explore the impact on media law and some examples of rich figure, media celebrity and famous, which they complaining of the media invasion of privacy will be explained, and then how the Court treated with Princess Diana’s case in the viewpoint of privacy and freedom of excretion concepts. The paper mainly depends on the content analysis method for analysing legal documentation of the articles related to the freedom of expression, also it depends on the case-study method for its sample which is Princess Diana’s case.


Author(s):  
Fatih Abdulbari

The most important and fundamental value in democracy is freedom of expression. This freedom is considered a part of human rights and is the most important feature of democracy. In the times, on the one hand, the media to speak out is increasingly numerous and varied, but on the other hand there is a dilemma where this freedom is actually used to sow and spread false information or conspiracy theories without evidence. In addition, the concept of freedom of opinion has not developed much following the latest developments, so this concept is increasingly abstract because there are no clear boundaries for freedom of expression. In Indonesia, the emergence of the Law on Information and Electronic Transactions (UU ITE) is actually used as a threat to criminalize individuals whose opinions are considered to be disturbing and attack others.  The Jerinx case is a very interesting case study of how freedom of opinion has actually created a counterfactual narrative. He was convicted in 2020 for making hate speech on his social media accounts. The ITE Law which allows arrests for expressing opinions is problematic because it clearly contradicts the main principle of democracy, namely freedom of expression. This research will critically examine the Jerinx case from the perspective of democratic values to see and analyze how the right to speak and have an opinion in Indonesia. The extent to which freedom of opinion is actually facilitated is considered not to violate the rights of others, and the extent to which the democratic climate has a place in Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Matthew Nicklin QC ◽  
Chloe Strong

This chapter considers the legal remedies that may be available to those who complain that an invasion of their privacy has occurred or is threatened by the actions of the media, as well as touching briefly on the criminal sanctions that may be applicable. Regulatory remedies under the Data Protection Act are considered in Chapter 7 and the remedies available from the media regulators in Chapter 14. Whether a remedy is sought before or after publication, and whether the complaint relates to the content of an actual or proposed publication or the method by which personal information has been obtained, it is likely that any relief granted will affect the exercise of the right to freedom of expression enshrined in Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). In such circumstances s 12 of the Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA) applies. The interpretation given to this important statutory provision by the courts is considered in Section C, but this chapter begins by looking at Parliament’s intention in enacting s 12. This is not necessarily to suggest that courts should have regard to such material as an aid to construction under the rule in Pepper v Hart but rather to explain the legislative background to this highly relevant provision.


2014 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kobus Van Rooyen

As a lawyer, it is a privilege to contribute to this Festschrift in honour of Professor Doctor Johan Buitendag. His entire career has been a quest for the truth. In the process, he has fearlessly rejected political agendas based on the Bible, and has inspired countless students in their quest to serve God in a practical and humane manner. His published research as well as the output of his doctoral students, both present and past, bear witness to a life dedicated to the search for knowledge in the service of God. He has also assisted substantially in placing South African theological research on the international map. In a sense, this article which deals with the protection of the right to a fair trial of an accused, also acknowledges Johan Buitendag’s quest for justice for all South Africans, whatever their creed, gender, race or standing. The subject of my article demonstrates my own quest to promote the constitutional right of an accused to a fair trial, a right that should not be subject to inordinate pressure by the media, and which gives priority to the right of an accused to be presumed innocent: an accused who may frequently suffer loneliness and a sense of rejection. Related to that it is, of course, always important to bear in mind that freedom of expression is at the heart of our democracy. A balance has, accordingly, to be struck between the competing rights.


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