scholarly journals 'The Blessed Land': Narratives of Peasant Resistance at Nandigram, West Bengal, in 2007

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Adam McConnochie
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Multinational Corporations ◽  
West Bengal ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Land Acquisition ◽  
The West ◽  
Neoliberal Policies ◽  
The Government ◽  
Peasant Resistance

<p>In early 2007, the West Bengal state government in India sought to acquire over 10,000 acres of cultivated rural land in Nandigram, East Midnapur. The government, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI-M) led Left Front coalition, sought to acquire this land to allow the Indonesian industrialists, the Salim group, to construct a chemical hub. Land acquisition had been increasing in India since 2005, when the Special Economic Zone (SEZ) Act was passed for the purpose of attracting investment from national and multinational corporations. Peasants in Nandigram were opposed to the acquisition of their land, and during 2007 successfully resisted the government attempts to do so. In response, the CPI-M sent party cadre to harass, rape and murder the peasantry, using their control of government to punish people in Nandigram. This thesis examines the events at Nandigram between June 2006 and May 2008 and investigates the narratives of peasant resistance that emerged in West Bengal. It focuses on three groups of West Bengal society: the peasants of Nandigram, the intellectuals and civil society of West Bengal, and the major political parties of West Bengal. Existing explanations of the events at Nandigram have focused on the role of intellectuals and civil society, and their views have dominated the literature. The existing historiography has argued that land acquisition policies and the subsequent resistance at Nandigram were an effect of neoliberal policies, policies that had been pursued by both the central and state governments in India since the 1990s. Resistance at Nandigram was explained as a broad movement that involved the peasantry and adivasi, but also the civil society groups that opposed neoliberal policies. However, as this thesis demonstrates, the peasantry at Nandigram rarely articulated their resistance as 'against' neoliberalism, and there was little consciousness of the movement challenging neoliberal policies. Rather, it was the local conditions and history of the area that informed their resistance. Amongst intellectuals and civil society, only a minority connected resistance at Nandigram to the wider issue of neoliberalism. The dominant perspective of these groups was that land acquisition policies, and neoliberal reforms in general, were necessary for the development of West Bengal. They criticised the CPI-M only for badly managing the process of land acquisition. The neoliberal consensus extended to the West Bengal political parties, muting serious debate over the economic direction of the state. The discourse of the political parties was limited to allegations of corruption, violence and criminality. Therefore, an investigation of how people in West Bengal viewed the resistance at Nandigram shows that discontent was not generally articulated in opposition to neoliberal polices. Rather, local politics and local issues had a more immediate effect on people's views, focusing discontent on the governance of the CPI-M. This resulted in the resistance at Nandigram evolving into a movement that sought to challenge the continued rule of the CPI-M in West Bengal.</p>

scholarly journals 'The Blessed Land': Narratives of Peasant Resistance at Nandigram, West Bengal, in 2007

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Adam McConnochie
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Multinational Corporations ◽  
West Bengal ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Land Acquisition ◽  
The West ◽  
Neoliberal Policies ◽  
The Government ◽  
Peasant Resistance

<p>In early 2007, the West Bengal state government in India sought to acquire over 10,000 acres of cultivated rural land in Nandigram, East Midnapur. The government, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI-M) led Left Front coalition, sought to acquire this land to allow the Indonesian industrialists, the Salim group, to construct a chemical hub. Land acquisition had been increasing in India since 2005, when the Special Economic Zone (SEZ) Act was passed for the purpose of attracting investment from national and multinational corporations. Peasants in Nandigram were opposed to the acquisition of their land, and during 2007 successfully resisted the government attempts to do so. In response, the CPI-M sent party cadre to harass, rape and murder the peasantry, using their control of government to punish people in Nandigram. This thesis examines the events at Nandigram between June 2006 and May 2008 and investigates the narratives of peasant resistance that emerged in West Bengal. It focuses on three groups of West Bengal society: the peasants of Nandigram, the intellectuals and civil society of West Bengal, and the major political parties of West Bengal. Existing explanations of the events at Nandigram have focused on the role of intellectuals and civil society, and their views have dominated the literature. The existing historiography has argued that land acquisition policies and the subsequent resistance at Nandigram were an effect of neoliberal policies, policies that had been pursued by both the central and state governments in India since the 1990s. Resistance at Nandigram was explained as a broad movement that involved the peasantry and adivasi, but also the civil society groups that opposed neoliberal policies. However, as this thesis demonstrates, the peasantry at Nandigram rarely articulated their resistance as 'against' neoliberalism, and there was little consciousness of the movement challenging neoliberal policies. Rather, it was the local conditions and history of the area that informed their resistance. Amongst intellectuals and civil society, only a minority connected resistance at Nandigram to the wider issue of neoliberalism. The dominant perspective of these groups was that land acquisition policies, and neoliberal reforms in general, were necessary for the development of West Bengal. They criticised the CPI-M only for badly managing the process of land acquisition. The neoliberal consensus extended to the West Bengal political parties, muting serious debate over the economic direction of the state. The discourse of the political parties was limited to allegations of corruption, violence and criminality. Therefore, an investigation of how people in West Bengal viewed the resistance at Nandigram shows that discontent was not generally articulated in opposition to neoliberal polices. Rather, local politics and local issues had a more immediate effect on people's views, focusing discontent on the governance of the CPI-M. This resulted in the resistance at Nandigram evolving into a movement that sought to challenge the continued rule of the CPI-M in West Bengal.</p>

scholarly journals MODEL KERJASAMA ACADEMIC, BUSINESS, GOVERMENT DAN CIVIL SOCIETY PADA KEBIJAKAN KERTAJATI AEROCITY

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-183
Author(s):  
Waluyo Zulfikar
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Carrying Capacity ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Economic Structure ◽  
Provincial Government ◽  
Land Acquisition ◽  
The West ◽  
West Java ◽  
Regional Economic Structure ◽  
The Government

West Java Provincial Government in order to create innovation in order to accelerate the achievement of the vision of the Governor of West Java through the development of a strong regional economic structure. The innovation in question is to produce policies in the form of Regional Regulation Number 13 of 2010 concerning the Development and Development of West Java International Airport and Kertajati Aerocity. Various efforts have been made by the West Java Provincial government in order to accelerate the development of BIJB. The problem led to problems in land acquisition which was hampered by the rejection of some residents of the implementation of the BIJB and Kertajati Aerocity development. Another problem also arises related to the analysis of the readiness of the BIJB as the manager and support of the government in implementing BIJB and Kertajati Aerocity policies and related to the carrying capacity of water resources which are important for the sustainability of the existence of an area which is taken into consideration for implementing BIJB and Kertajati Aerocity in Majalengka Regency. West Java province. This basically requires qualified strategic steps for the realization of Kertajati aerocity in Majalengka Regency. The collaboration model of academic, business, government and civil society on Kertajati Aerocity policy is ultimately deemed qualified to realize aerocity Kertajati programs and policies. Keywords: BIJB, Regional Cooperation, Majalengka Regency

The Evolving Story of the Land Acquisition Act, 2013

2017 ◽  
pp. 275-299 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rajesh Chakrabarti ◽  
Kaushiki Sanyal
Keyword(s):  
Subject Matter ◽  
West Bengal ◽  
Punctuated Equilibrium ◽  
Advocacy Coalition Framework ◽  
Land Acquisition ◽  
Advocacy Coalition ◽  
Fast Pace ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government

The epic journey of the Land Acquisition Act, 2013 is the subject matter of this chapter. The chapter traces the travails of the 1894 Act through the various challenges including the Narmada Bachao agitation and various SEZ acquisitions in the early 2000s till the four separate and more recent agitations that set the stage for work on new legislation—Nandigram and Singur in West Bengal, Maha Mumbai SEZ in Maharashtra and POSCO acquisition in Odisha. The UPA’s 2004 Rehabilitation and Resettlement (R&R) policy was revised in a 2007 Bill, largely as per NAC recommendations, that however lapsed in 2009. During UPA-II, fresh trouble erupted in Bhatta Parsaul in UP and the government elevated Jairam Ramesh to fast pace the passage of the new law. After much contentious negotiation the Act came into being in 2013. The movement reflects a combination of Punctuated Equilibrium Framework and Advocacy Coalition Framework.

Peasant Resistance in Ethiopia: the Case of Weyane

1984 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gebru Tareke
Keyword(s):  
Social Action ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
The Other ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Social Basis ◽  
The Social ◽  
Pastoral Communities ◽  
The Government ◽  
Peasant Resistance

Weyane was a spontaneous, localized peasant uprising with limited objectives. It occurred in 1943 because several disaffected social groups in the eastern part of Tigrai believed that they could defeat or at least extract substantial concessions from a weak transitional government. The multiplicity of objectives roughly correspond to the divergent interests of the participants: the sectarian nobility wanted a greater share in the regional reallocation of power, the semi-pastoral communities of the lowlands were interested in pre-empting feudal incorporation, and the highland cultivators wanted to terminate the excessive demands of officialdom and militia. The convergence of these forces made Weyane possible; the disorganization of the ruling strata and the subsequent defection of a segment of the territorial nobility enormously enhanced the peasants' capacity for collective action. But this very heterogeneity comprised the peasants' objectives. The revolt lacked a coherent set of goals, nor did it have a specific program for social action. The rebels attacked neither the legitimacy of the monarchy nor the ideological basis of the Ethiopian aristocracy. In the end, Weyane buttressed the feudal order, and was probably instrumental in strengthening Ethiopia's neo-colonial link with the West. In the aftermath of rebellion, the Tigrai nobility did get its rights and prerogatives recognized, to the same extent that the nobility in the other northern provinces did. The government undercut the nobility's political autonomy, but paid the price of reinforcing their social position. On the other hand, in reaction to Weyane, the state destroyed the social basis of clan authority and autonomy, and reduced the Raya and Azebo to landless peasants. Weyane marked the end of conflict between centrifugal and centralizing forces, but did not eliminate the social roots of popular protest.

The Impact of Civil Society on Governance in Lesotho

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-144
Author(s):  
Mphonyane Rakhare ◽  
Tania Coetzee
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Independent Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Democratic Country ◽  
Civil Societies

The article acknowledges that Lesotho governance has been characterised by unstable democracy since its attainment of independence in 1966, which makes civil society and other democratic institutions unable to pursue their roles as expected. The proposed solution to overcome predicaments that Lesotho faces was to have active and vibrant democratic institutions such as civil societies, ombudsman, political parties, independent media, independent electoral commissions and the legislative, executive and judiciary. The article aims to bridge the gap by examining published literature and documentary review, which clearly elucidate how good governance can be achieved in a democratic country with the help of active democratic institutions. The article highlights the importance of active and vibrant civil society in governance and public policy. The article concludes by justifying that in deed the government of Lesotho should accept and allow participation of civil society so as to be able to realise its contribution and the important role played by it. Also, civil society in Lesotho must distance themselves from suspicions that they are political parties in disguise.

Kazakhstan will silence dissenting voices amid crisis

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
International Human Rights ◽  
The West ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Lower House ◽  
International Image ◽  
International Human ◽  
The Government

Subject Prosecutions for questioning Kazakhstan's statehood. Significance Two civil society activists in Kazakhstan, Yermek Narymbayev and Serikjan Mambetalin, were jailed on January 22 after being found guilty of 'inciting ethnic discord' for comments they posted on Facebook. The verdict, condemned by domestic and international human rights groups, came shortly before the authorities announced that elections to the lower house of parliament originally scheduled for January 2017 had been brought forward to March 20. Impacts Nazarbayev's Nur Otan party will win a majority in the March polls and other parties that gain seats will have tacit government approval. Crackdowns on freedom of expression will tarnish efforts to maintain good relations with the West. The government will continue to fund costly lobbying campaigns to improve its international image.

scholarly journals IS THERE CIVIL SOCIETY IN BANGLADESH?

2018 ◽  
pp. 36-38
Author(s):  
M. S. Islam
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Development ◽  
The State ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
The Government ◽  
And Control ◽  
Local Levels

Сivil society is a group of people excluded from the government and the army and providing a counterbalance and control of the state at the national and local levels in the country. In Bangladesh, since independence in 1971, civil society organizations have been successfully involved in social development, but they have been criticized not to be able promote democracy in Bangladesh because of their support for political parties. Therefore, it impedes strong opposition to corruption and non-democratic activities in the country. In this article, using the historical method, the author analyzes the features and role of civil society in Bangladesh.

scholarly journals Pro-Civil Society Empowerment Programs of Fishermen in the West Coast Region of Buleleng Regency

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (7) ◽  
pp. 382
Author(s):  
I Nyoman Sukraaliawan ◽  
A.A. Ngurah Anom Kumbara ◽  
A.A. Bagus Wirawan ◽  
I Gde Made Metera
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
West Coast ◽  
Community Empowerment ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
Fishing Communities ◽  
Fishing Community ◽  
The West ◽  
Observation Methods ◽  
The Government ◽  
Coast Region

The marine area of the west coast of Buleleng Regency has great potential for fisheries and marine affairs which, if managed properly, will be able to provide welfare for people who depend on the fisheries and marine sectors such as fishing communities. However, the reality is that there are still many fishermen who are in poverty so this is an irony for an area that has rich marine potential but the condition of the fishing community is still in the shackles of poverty so that policies or empowerment programs that are more pro-civil society are needed. This research was conducted to find out some of the actions of empowering fishing communities in the West Coast Region of Buleleng Regency, so that they can be useful both theoretically and practically. Data collection methods were carried out through interviews with several informants to obtain primary data and also through observation methods and document studies. Data analysis will be carried out using qualitative analysis, namely organizing data, sorting it into manageable units, synthesizing it, looking for and finding patterns, so that a conclusion is obtained. The research revealed that the sectoral government has implemented several actions that are part of the coastal community empowerment program including fishermen through several activities, namely strengthening the entrepreneurial culture of fishermen, strengthening fishermen's institutions, strengthening participation, strengthening fishermen's capital and through providing revolving capital assistance, as well as infrastructure assistance. As a result, fishing communities can experience positive benefits from empowerment efforts such as increasing fishery and non-fishery business diversification and wider fishing range so that it can affect the socio-economic conditions of fishermen who are getting better. It can be suggested to the related parties, that the fishing community should be provided with fisherman business capital assistance by the government through financial institutions that are no longer considered burdensome to fishermen, such as the necessity of guarantees or collateral in the form of certificates or BPKB when obtaining fisherman business credits that have been This is a complaint of the fishing community, especially the small fishermen.

Dancing the Goddess: Possession and Class in Tamil South India

1996 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 423-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karin Kapadia
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
South India ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Power Relationships ◽  
The West ◽  
Religious Ritual ◽  
Vital Importance ◽  
Village Level ◽  
Political Factions

Religion in India has always been profoundly politicized, which is why it has remained of enduring importance, instead of ‘withering away’ as in the West. Though its presence is somewhat hidden in parties that profess a secular view, it is of vital importance, at the local village level, as a focus for the organization of political factions. More precisely, even if local political parties in Tamilnadu do not organize around religion, they use religion and ritual events for their political purposes, in their struggles to dominate local politics. The fact that this politicization of religious ritual is implicit, not explicit, only testifies to the fact that power-relationships—and struggles—exist in all aspects of life (as Foucault often noted), including apparently ‘innocent’ rites such as religious possession.

A New Model of Corporatism in States Governed by Populist Political Parties: The Cases of Poland and Hungary

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 178-195
Author(s):  
Maciej Olejnik
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
Science Literature ◽  
International Level ◽  
The West ◽  
Organizational Demands ◽  
The Government

Between 1945 and 2010 three main types of corporatism were discussed in the political science literature: the ‘classic’ and ‘lean’ corporatism that existed in the West European countries and the ‘illusory’ corporatism that dominated in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989. The aim of the paper is to examine whether a new version of corporatism, which I call ‘patronage’ corporatism, emerged in Hungary and Poland during the first term of the governments formed by populist political parties (in Hungary between 2010 and 2014 and in Poland between 2015 and 2019). In patronage corporatism the authorities autonomously conduct heterodox economic policy. They enter into alliances only with ideologically close trade unions. While their cronies legitimize authorities’ decisions at the governmental level vis-à-vis the citizens and at the international level, the government fulfils some of their socio-economic and organizational demands. Furthermore, the government cooperates with its allies to destroy other trade unions that are perceived as hostile towards the authorities. The paper shows that the capture of power by populist parties in Hungary and Poland led to the development of patronage corporatism in these countries.

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