direct violence
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2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (Summer 2021) ◽  
pp. 27-38
Author(s):  
Ramy Abdou

Israeli authorities have committed a wide range of human rights violations, including direct violence, land annexation and settlement building, home eviction and arbitrary arrest and detention. Such practices have been carried out with political cover from the Israeli government. In addition to the direct confiscation of Palestinian homes and other property, Israeli authorities and organizations such as settlement associations frequently use subterfuge or bribes to transfer ownership to Jewish residents and interests. Through historical review and analysis, this paper documents the most common types of direct and structural violence practiced by Israel, along with their effect on Palestinians, and highlights the roles of the various players in Israeli society.


Author(s):  
Salma Nur Rahama ◽  
Rina Hermawati

This study aims is to describe about the violence experience against street vendors in Indonesia including the causes of violence, forms of violence and street vendors' experience responses to the violence. This research uses qualitative methods with collecting data techniques from literature studies such as ,notes, books, papers or articles, journals and so on. The research results showed that the causes of street vendor violence are related to the class that have more power and the class that have less power. The power in question is the power or strength that a person has to do what he wants. The forms of violence experienced by street vendors can be identified into three forms based on Galtung's theory, including direct violence that can be seen such as physical, verbal and sexual violence, then the second is structural violence, namely violence that is not perpetrated by individuals but is hidden in a structure both smaller and smaller structures. broader structure, then the third is cultural violence, namely the symbolic space that exists in the cognition system and can be a driving force for both direct and structural violence. PKL responses to the violence they experience are divided into two, namely resisting and not resisting.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 356
Author(s):  
Binsar Sianipar ◽  
Amanah Nurish

This study analyzes food estate in Merauke as a conflict resolution alternative in Papua from economic-social and cultural perspectives. The conflicts in Papua are still happening and no best solution has been found yet. Among the roots of the problem are economic and social disparities as well as cultural disharmony. The government is planning to develop a food estate in Merauke, Papua to enhance national food security and as export commodities. Apart from the Government’s objectives, the analysis used qualitative research methods with a sociological approach through field observation and participation. Adopting Galtung’s theory of violence, it shows the food estate in Merauke can potentially contribute to resolving conflicts in Papua, especially to eliminate direct violence and structural violence


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-190
Author(s):  
Stephen Pitt-Walker

The use of the legal fiction, terra nullius, as it was erroneously applied to Terra Australis, Australia, as a legal doctrine, supported the British colonial power’s right to settle that territory. Since then, many unspoken (as well as acknowledged) acts of structural and direct violence have been perpetrated against the First Nations population in Australia via the imposition, and later ‘reception’, of the legal system and laws of England, as well as the dominant socio-political system, that represented the British Crown.


Author(s):  
Mariateresa Garrido

The Venezuelan government has been instrumental to implement different types of gender-based violence and discrimination. Reports demonstrate that women have been killed, that their economic power decreased, and that they experienced problems related to access to education, health services, jobs, etc. This reality affects all women; however, there is not updated and systematized information about the problems faced by Venezuelan women journalists. This chapter uses Mohanty's theory and Hernandez's approach to illustrate the situation. It begins with an overview of the Venezuelan context, highlighting cases of gender-based violence and discrimination experienced by women. It also considers cases of economic exploitation, exclusion, disempowerment, cultural imperialism, and direct violence between 2018 and 2019. The chapter demonstrates the deteriorating situation and reveals patterns of oppression experienced by female journalists in Venezuela.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 94-102
Author(s):  
Yohanes Parihala ◽  
Jelfy L Hursepuny

The issue of violence against women not only occurs in the space of action or the form of direct violence but also in the way of indirect violence, among others through the understanding of the biblical text that discredit women. This study aims to carry out a postcolonial feminist interpretation of Ezekiel 16: 15-22. This text, if understood, literally contains pornographic ideological messages that confront women as victims. Qualitatively, the interpretative analysis approach helps the writer to reinterpret the meaning of Ezekiel 16: 15-22 and find its relevance to the feminist struggle in the present. For this reason, the study of literature is the choice of writing to study various references related to the issues discussed. The results of this study indicate that certain Bible texts written in a patriarchal context have a picture of discrimination against women. With the feminist postcolonial approach, the reinterpretation of discriminatory texts can be done by emphasizing that both men and women were created equally by God.


2020 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 251-271
Author(s):  
Salo de Carvalho ◽  
David R Goyes ◽  
Valeria Vegh Weis

Abstract There is a dearth of criminological scholarship on how the political persuasions of governments affect Indigenous people as it relates to human rights and environmental consequences, whether positive or negative, for Indigenous peoples. To address this gap, we develop a comparative instrumental case study of the policies concerning Indigenous peoples implemented during two political periods in Brazil: the administrations of presidents Silva (2003–2010) and Rousseff (2011–2016) and the administrations of Temer (2016–2018) and Bolsonaro (2019–). We explore the consequences for Indigenous peoples of these leftist and the right-wing governments. We argue that governments of both political leanings victimize Indigenous populations, with leftist governments using structural violence and right-wing governments engaging additionally in symbolic and direct violence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (16) ◽  
pp. 6536
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Posłuszna

Ecologically motivated violence that manifests itself in the animal-rights and environmental forms is not a declining phenomenon. The fluctuating increase of the number of ecologically motivated crimes during the last 50 years, the multiplicity of the methods used (arson, food poisoning in supermarkets, destruction of equipment, attacks with the use of incentivized devices) should make us look at eco-extremism as a dynamic and difficult to grasp phenomenon. The paper is of both explanatory and prognostic nature; its goal is to present the genesis and essence of ecological radicalism, as well as to formulate the predictions for the future. In these forecasts, I wish to depart from the frequent, albeit somewhat simplistic, argument that, since the environmental extremist groups have not yet resorted to direct violence (targeting humans), and the animal-rights groups have reached for it very rarely, this state of affairs will continue in the future. This claim does not necessarily have to be true. I argue that some aspects of ideology can induce, in certain circumstances (a growing ecological catastrophe, further departure from the anthropocentric perspective), a change of the potential of radicalism within the environmental and animal-rights movements. In the case of animal-rights groups, the principle of not causing harm to people may be openly rejected, and in the case of environmental groups, the actions aimed at the annihilation of the whole human species may be undertaken.


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-134
Author(s):  
Cyanne E. Loyle

Research on rebel behavior focuses on the violent conduct of these groups. Work on rebel governance, however, has documented the myriad ways in which rebel groups seek to gain legitimacy, project strength, and govern civilian populations beyond direct violence. These efforts stress the importance of governance institutions for securing cooperation and compliance from the civilian population, a central concern for rebel groups. Judicial processes are one avenue through which this cooperation and compliance can be secured. These efforts encompass a range of processes including ad hoc trials, truth commissions and commissions of inquiry, offers of amnesty, and reparations programs. Using new data on the rebel use of judicial processes from 1946 to 2011, I examine the argument that rebel judicial processes can best be understood as a mobilization strategy by the group, offering concessions to a supportive civilian population or coercion when support is weak.


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