MILITARY POWER OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY IN REGIONAL PROJECTIONS OF TRANSBORDER MILITARY OPERATIONS

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 048-065
Author(s):  
Tahir Ganiev ◽  
Vladimir Karyakin

The article examines the modern military power of the Turkish Republic and its role in ensuring national security and advancing Turkey on the path of regional leadership. An analysis of Turkey’s geopolitical and strategic military position in the Middle East, as well as the geopolitical and strategic military views of the Turkish leadership, is presented. The article examines the potential of the sides and possible scenarios in the event of a hypothetical military conflict between Turkey and Iran, Egypt and Israel. The goals and methods of military operations conducted by the Turkish armed forces in Syria and Northern Iraq, Turkey’s participation in the civil war in Libya and its assistance to Azerbaijan in the war to liberate Nagorno-Karabakh are analyzed. The article concludes that Turkey’s modern armed forces, despite certain difficulties in development, are the most combat-ready in the NATO bloc and in the Middle East region and provide the Turkish leadership with a solution to all military and political problems.

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 257-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirzad Azad

In spite of her troubled presidency at home and premature, ignominious exit from power, Park Geun-hye made serious attempts to bolster the main direction of the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) foreign policy toward the Middle East. A collaborative drive for accomplishing a new momentous boom was by and large a dominant and recurring theme in the Park government’s overall approach to the region. Park enjoyed both personal motivation as well as politico-economic justifications to push for such arduous yet potentially viable objective. Although the ROK’s yearning for a second boom in the Middle East was not ultimately accomplished under the Park presidency, nonetheless, the very aspiration played a crucial role in either rekindling or initiating policy measures in South Korea’s orientation toward different parts of a greater Middle East region, extending from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to Morocco.


2012 ◽  
Vol 164 (2) ◽  
pp. 104-115
Author(s):  
Maciej MARCZYK

Polish soldiers have long participated in international operations under the auspices of various organizations, primarily the UN. However, since Poland’s accession to NATO and the adoption of our country to European Union, the activities of our military contingents have focused primarily on participation in international operations, organized by the two organizations and under the terms of their procedures. Poland, as part of joint and several actions to ensure common security, has actively been engaged in military operations and non-military missions of various international organizations, as well as local actions in the ad hoc coalition created. The degree of involvement and geographical areas are determined by the current capabilities of the armed forces and the clearly defined objectives coincide with the Polish raison d'etat, as defined in the National Security Strategy of the Republic of Polish and expressed in their efforts to strengthen Poland’s international position. This paper presents the results of research on the functioning of NEC communication network (the Polish military contingent) in military operations abroad. The research was carried out among the soldiers-specialists who were involved in international operations and it focused on the organizational requirements: the technical specifications for the NEC communication networks. Also, the research concerned the organization and operation of communication networks and its services as well as the means of communication and IT used by the staff, users, soldiers and NEC employees.


Author(s):  
Pesach Malovany ◽  
Amatzia Baram ◽  
Kevin M. Woods ◽  
Ronna Englesberg

This chapter deals with the major trends in the development of the Iraqi military power and the Armed Forces High Command during the Ba’ath regime, especially during Saddam’s presidency period. It describes the building of the Iraqi Armed Forces as a high-quality and the greatest military power in the Middle East and one of the largest in the world and the components of its military power. It describes its rise, as well as its deterioration since the Gulf war in 1991. It deals also with the high command of the armed forces, its organization and functions, and the main bodies that were included in it. It analyses also the role of Saddam Hussein as commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces.


1997 ◽  
Vol 12 (0) ◽  
pp. 103-130
Author(s):  
Chul Joon Hwang

The collapse of the Cold War Era beginning in the late 80s has created a new world order which can be characterized as a multipolarization of world politics and economics. This multipolarization has contributed to the world peace since the end of World WarⅡ on one hand, but also contributed to the spread of racism and nationalism based on each nation's ever-growing national selfishness in such a competitive environment, creating all sorts of conflicts. The importance of Far East for world peace has increased, and there is tremendous effort to find the most effective way to pursue the reunification of Korea in such a fast-changing environment of the region. Moreover, the purpose of this study is, under the hypothesis of reunification of Korea led by South Korea, to identify an optimal level of military power of reunified Korea armed forces in terms of its number of military force to cope with future environments in the region the reunified Korea will face. (This study consists of the auther's personal opinions, and it does not represent the Republic of Korea Army)


1949 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 387-389

THE SECURITY COUNCIL,RECALLING its resolutions of 1 August 1947, 25 August 1947, and 1 November 1947, with respect to the Indonesian Question:TAKING NOTE with approval of the Reports submitted to the Security Council by its Committee of Good Offices for Indonesia;CONSIDERING that its resolutions of 24 December 1948 and 28 December 1948 have not been fully carried out;CONSIDERING that continued occupation of the territory of the Republic of Indonesia by the armed forces of the Netherlands is incompatible with the restoration of good relations between the parties and with the final achievement of a just and lasting settlement of the Indonesian dispute;CONSIDERING that the establishment and maintenance of law and order throughout Indonesia is a necessary condition to the achievement of the expressed objectives and desires of both parties;NOTING with satisfaction that the parties continue to adhere to the principles of the Renville Agreement and agree that free and democratic elections should be held throughout Indonesia for the purpose of establishing a constitutent assembly at the earliest practicable date, and further agree that the Security Council should arrange for the observation of such elections by an appropriate agency of the United Nations; and that the representative of the Netherlands has expressed his government's desire to have such elections held not later than 1 October 1949;NOTING also with satisfaction that the Government of the Netherlands plans to transfer sovereignty to the United States of Indonesia by 1 January 1950, if possible, and, in any case, during the year 1950,CONSCIOUS of its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, and in order that the rights, claims and position of the parties may not be prejudiced by the use of force;1. CALLS upon the Government of the Netherlands to insure the immediate discontinuance of all military operations, calls upon the Government of the Republic simultaneously to order its armed adherents to cease guerrilla warfare, and calls upon both parties to co-operate in the restoration of peace and the maintenance of law and order throughout the area affected.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 210
Author(s):  
Anak Agung Banyu Perwita

The Eastern Mediterranean has long been the area of interests of Russia’s military power. Referring to one of the on-going armed conflicts in the region, Russia has expanded its claws by militarily intervening in Syria to prevent the regime from collapsing. As the only left arbiter in the war who prioritize a political settlement in Syria, although there are various interests between the actors that involved, Russia has decided to involve in several military operations with Turkey. As the meaning to actualize its interest in operating an anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) zone in the Eastern Mediterranean, Russia is taking Turkey as its significant partner to simplify and to secure its interest in establishing an A2/AD zone. By analyzing several primary and secondary data, this research concluded that Russia’s goals have been divided into two, first is the short-term goal which is to keep Assad in power. Second, the long term goal which is to deter the influence of the Western by deploying its advanced armed forces in the Eastern Mediterranean.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 130-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. A. Svistunova

Turkey and Iran are two Middle Eastern neighbors building their relationship on the basis of competition and cooperation. Both countries aim at the position of regional leader and want to offer their own «model» of development to the Middle East. Historical neighborship has provided Turkey and Iran not only with the experience of struggle for influence, but an ability to interact in the spheres of overlapping interests as well. Turmoil in the Middle East attracts the attention of researchers to the issue of Turkish-Iranian relations. The article deals with the key areas of regional relations of the two countries reflecting their efforts to keep the power balance though they have contradicting interest. Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979 has put Turkish and Iranian «models» in adversary positions to one another emphasizing religion vs secularism.The Turkish side has broadened the range of its instruments after Justice and Development Party coming to power in Ankara, although its aim remains to be the promotion of Western concepts in the Middle East. The Party’s strategy to expand Turkish influence in the region takes into account the Ottoman heritage, which modern Ankara seeks to popularize in order to reinforce its claims to regional leadership. The competitive arsenal of the Turkish leadership includes historical ties with the peoples of the region and the experience of the Europeanization of the Muslim state.Iran is promoting its vision of Muslim democracy, positioning itself as a staunch fighter against the expansionism of the West and, despite the decline in warlike rhetoric, does not refuse to export the values of the Islamic revolution. Ankara is at odds with Western countries on private issues or methods, but generally it shares the same strategic approaches. Tehran, on the contrary, rejects the ideological rapprochement with the West and the borrowing of Western development models, advocating maintaining its own path. In fact, Iran and Turkey offer Middle Eastern countries alternative political transformation options.Iraq and Syria represent both the sphere of Turkish-Iranian competition and the possibility for tactical alignment on the basis of converging interests. The events of recent years have demonstrated that at the times when the Turkey and Iran sense common threats, they put their contradictions on the back burner. Pragmatism and rivalry in Turkish-Iranian relations are not alternatives but exist in parallel as a way of maintaining a regional balance of power between the two countries. This explains the ability of Ankara and Tehran to seek compromises. At the same time, the various approaches of these states to the future structure of the Middle East region will continue to hinder the creation of a stable alliance between them. These realities must be taken into account when assessing the prospects for the development of the regional situation and the potential of Turkish-Iranian relations, the study of which is especially important for Russia, taking into account trilateral cooperation to resolve the crisis in Syria.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-126
Author(s):  
Reza Bakhtiar Ramadhan

Using the method of discourse analysis and the theory of Balance of Power as a media for analysis of this paper seeks to find out why and how the increase in Iranian military power threatens the hegemony of the United States in the Middle East. Significant increases in Iranian military power are thought to threaten US interests in the Middle East. Post-revolution of Iran under the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini in 1979 has turned this country into a new political and military power. Since then, relations between Iran and the West, especially the United States, are becoming more tense. Iran's policy on nuclear weapons has triggered an arm of race in the Middle East. Even Iran is considered to threaten the stability of the region's security. Especially the security of the United States allies in the Middle East. Saudi Arabia emerged as one of Iran's main opponents in the Middle East region. One vote with a colleague of the United States, the Saudis have always denounced all Iranian political and military policies. Given the enormous importance of the United States in the Middle East, as well as its responsibilities to the security of its allies in the Middle East, various ways in which the United States has secured its hegemony. Like strengthening alliances with its Middle East allies by way of massive military supply of weapons.


2019 ◽  
pp. 81-92
Author(s):  
Michał Harkot

The geopolitical location of Israel in the Middle East region is extremely unfavorable. As a result, Israeli policymakers were forced to develop a comprehensive mechanism of responding in relation to real or potential threats. Currently, one of these mechanisms is focused on deterring. It should be noted that in the context of Israeli security policy, in recent years initiatives devoted to prevention have started to play a decisive role. According to the Israeli security strategy, deterrence should be connected with three elements: a credible threat of conducting by Israel forces offensive retaliatory actions, the extension of armed forces and seeking to reduce resources and development opportunities in the context of groups hostile to Israel. Taking into account current political events in the Middle East, I will try to point out the essence of the Israeli deterrence doctrine


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 59-67
Author(s):  
Petr Kovanda

POSSIBILITIES OF SOCIAL MEDIA IN INFORMATION OPERATIONS Current conflicts are characterized by the changing environment having a considerable influence on military operations. The armed forces must calculate with civilian factors that are increasingly coming to the forefront in conducting operations. It is no longer enough to defeat the enemy using military power, but necessary to stabilize the area of responsibility and incline thelocal population to be on our side. Influencing the civilian population is conducted mainly by providing information that is disseminated by traditional methods such as radio, television, and print. Dissemination of information is no longer just the domain of the media but comes to the fore via internet communication. Thanks to the development of technologies and especially the availability of Smartphones, social networks are becoming the new phenomena.


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