Russian Factor in the Military and Political Conflicts of Europe in 1917–1920

Author(s):  
А.Э. Титков

Статья посвящена т. н. «русскому фактору» в период после окончания Первой мировой войны и до 1920г. Революционные события в России радикально изменили внешнеполитическую ситуацию на европейском театре и одновременно стали оказывать серьезное влияние на внутреннюю повестку стран участниц конфликта, благодаря активной политике Советской России по продвижению революционных идей и поддержке революционных движений в Европе. Подобная практика была вызвана не столько искренним желанием раздуть революционный пожар и безусловной верой в его возможность, сколько необходимостью физического выживания молодого «пролетарского государства» во враждебном капиталистическом окружении. В статье подробно рассматривается идеологическая подоплека внешней политики Советской России в это период и деятельность на этом поприще ее вождя В.И. Ленина, его попытки повлиять на общественно-политические процессы в Германии, Венгрии и Польше, а также анализируются изменения в идеологической повестке большевиков после провала советской политики по созданию плацдармов для продвижения революции в центральную Европу. Также в статье обращается внимание на то, что за внешней ширмой буржуазной революции в России явно проступают признаки целенаправленной политики по удалению с карты Европы и Азии империй — Османской, Германской, Австро-Венгерской и Российской, чему предшествовала активная компания по девальвации самих монархических институтов. Большевистская же политика по полному демонтажу прежней системы, несмотря на внешнюю враждебность идеологических установок, оказалась вполне приемлемой для тех, кто стремился не допустить пересборки Центральных держав. The article deals with the influence of the so-called Russian factor in the events following the end of the First World War up until 1920. The revolution in Russia radically changed the situation in Europe, having a major impact on the domestic and foreign policies of the belligerent nations, caused by active Soviet support for revolutionary movements in Europe. This practice stemmed not from a sincere desire to fan the revolutionary flames but rather from the survival instinct of the newly-established proletarian state, surrounded by hostile capitalistic countries. The article examines the ideological motivations behind Soviet Russia's foreign policy during this period and the activities of its leader, Vladimir Lenin, as well as his attempts to influence social and political processes in Germany, Hungary, and Poland. The study also analyzes the changes in the ideological agenda of the Bolsheviks after the failure of Soviet policy to create springboards for the advancement of the revolution into Central Europe. Moreover, the paper points out that the smokescreen of the revolution in Russia reveals clear signs of a concerted effort to wipe the Ottoman Empire, the German Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and the Russian Empire from the map of Europe and Asia, preceded by an active campaign aimed at undermining the monarchic institutions themselves. Meanwhile, the Bolshevik policy that sought to completely dismantle the old regime, despite the hostility of its ideology, eventually proved perfectly acceptable for those who aimed to prevent the Central Powers from rising up again.

Author(s):  
Mariia Huk

The article is focuses on the study of the issues of participation of women of Ukraine in military formations in the First World War by modern Ukrainian historiography (1991-2016). Based on the topic, the author tried to solve the following research tasks: to identify which aspects of women's military history are within the interest of historians, to analyze the scale, character and level of research of the topic. The author found that the study of women's military history is gaining momentum. Historians are actively searching women's stories in the sources of those times; they are in the process of gathering information. They call military history “personal” because research on the subject is partially based on reports of the press about women volunteers and mainly on participants' personal documents, memoirs and letters. In the letters, women wrote about the way to the front, military life, a little about participation in battles, relations with soldiers; they also left information about each other. At the same time, each of the women had personal experience of war, own motives and results. Therefore, historians concluded that "this experience is quite difficult to summarize ". Modern researchers approach the study of women's stories not only in terms of heroism but trying to understand the causes and consequences of women's actions. The authors mention such main reasons as boredom of everyday life, escape from duties and national impulse. Inspired by the new fashionable views on life, the girls tried to escape from their everyday duties; they wanted to overcome social barriers and to prove that women were capable to cope with any work. The escape to the front was an attempt to change the way of life. Women who came to the front and participated in hostilities had to adapt quickly to difficult conditions and trials; they had to fight and to protect their own lives. The authors also analyze how society perceived the phenomenon of women in the war. Military commanders heroized their actions with the reason to raise the fighting spirit. However, the views of military men varied: the village guys welcomed and supported the girls; on the contrary, the men from the intelligent circle condemned women regarding them as competitors. Civil women believed that the girls had forgotten their traditional duty, they could have been more helpful in hospitals and doing charity. The author of the article also found that the participation of women in the military unit of the Legion of Ukrainian Sich Riflemen was better studied. The researchers concluded that the Ukrainian women who lived in the Russian Empire supported the call in 1917 of the Provisional Government and Maria Bochkareva to form women's combat battalions. Women were motivated to go to the front by the same reasons as women in the ranks of the Ukrainian Sich Riflemen: failures in love, the desire to escape from violence and humiliation in the family, domestic problems, the desire to avenge the dead relatives and loved ones. In big cities such as Kyiv, Kharkiv, Odessa, Poltava, the Ukrainian women willingly enrolled in the army. Anyway, the inclusion of women in the combat units of the army of the Russian Empire was found out fragmentary, there are almost no names and characteristics of the activity of the women's battalions. Only a few researchers pay attention to the messages in the then newspapers about escapes and the heroic deeds of girls in the war. These issues require the search of information and detailed study. The author came to the conclusion that most of the questions remain scientifically open requiring the search for information about women in the ranks of Ukrainian Sich Riflemen and the army of the Russian Empire for the generalization of information and creation of a coherent picture of the military service of women at the front of the First World War.


Author(s):  
M.B. Magulov

This article examines the historical and military-historical research of Soviet, Kazakh and Russian scientists, the history of the creation of the armed forces on the territory of Kazakhstan, their formation and development. In Soviet historiography, the development of all national republics, especially their military history, was interpreted through the prism of the history of Russia or the Russian people. For many years, materials from this period (from the beginning of the 20th century until the collapse of the USSR) were not covered in the historical literature. For ideological reasons, the colonial policy of the Russian Empire was hushed up, especially during the First World War, when the "eastern aliens" were not drafted into the regular army, were used only in rear work, because the ruling elite did not trust them with weapons. This period has now begun to be viewed in a different way on the basis of new sources and began to acquire new content. At the same time, the author is guided by such a principle of scientific knowledge as historicism, consistency, comparatively comparable analysis and generalization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Vadym Stetsiuk ◽  
Anatolii Filinyuk

The purpose of the article is to highlight the essence and specifics of social and political-ideological influence of the imperial authorities, army and military educational institutions of Russia on children and youth in the social transformations of the Right Bank Ukraine in the last decades of the 19th and early 20th centuries. To achieve this goal, general scientific (methods of analysis and synthesis) and special historical methods (internal criticism of the source, historical-systemic and historical-typological methods) are used. The article describes the military-professional and state-patriotic orientation of reforming and developing the network of civilian and military educational institutions of Right Bank Ukraine. It is shown that the central and local authorities and the military department of Russia prioritized the dominance of the army and military and military methods of influencing its population in the state life of the region. This brought changes and approaches to working with children and youth from different backgrounds in the educational system. It was determined that children and youth were involved in military-political processes, it was instilled in them a patriotic attitude to the Russian Empire, a sense of Russian identity, devotion to the state, the tsar, a sense of readiness to fight with arms for the interests of the empire. At the same time, it is emphasized that in many cases the effectiveness of this work was offset by national beliefs formed in families and the Ukrainian environment. The scientific novelty of the article is in an attempt to characterize comprehensively the essence and specifics of social and political- ideological influence on the pupils of civil and military educational institutions of the Right Bank Ukraine. The practical significance of the study is in possibility of using the obtained results for further study of social transformations in the Dnipro Ukraine of the late imperial period, and in modern activities to counter Russia’s information aggression against Ukraine. Type of article: empirical and analytical.


Author(s):  
Ruth Leiserowitz

As a region bordering the Russian Empire, East Prussia was (apart from Alsace-Lorraine) the only part of the German Empire to be directly affected by the military operations of the First World War. The refugee crisis in 1914 found everyone totally unprepared. In August 1914 two distinct waves of forced migration took place: in the first, the population fled westwards before returning to their homes in 1916. The second wave concerned Germans who were seized by Russian occupying forces and forcibly settled in the Russian interior. Their repatriation was complicated by the Russian revolution and the ensuing civil war. This chapter discusses the experiences of these two groups, attempts to assist them and how population displacement was represented by contemporaries.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tsuyoshi Hasegawa

A.B. Nikolaev’s book has not received much attention either in the West or in Russia, but it is an important book that has significantly changed our understanding the February Revolution of 1917. Nikolaev’s meticulously researched monograph, based on a wide array of new sources, challenges the previously dominant interpretation that the Provisional Committee of the State Duma (Duma Committee) was forced to seize power only to stem the tide of the insurgency from below. He argues that the Duma Committee was from its inception clear about its intention to overthrow the old regime and to create a new power to replace it even before the Petrograd Soviet was formed. The Duma Committee played a crucial role in prompting military units to take the side of the revolution, in steering the insurgents to the State Duma, in creating the Military Commission to organize insurgents to occupy strategic positions in the city, in taking over the food supply commission to feed the insurgents, in attacking and destroying the tsarist police, while preventing and suppressing potentially dangerous anarchical pogroms, and in taking control over the imperial bureaucracy. Nikolaev also raises an interesting question about the relationship between the Duma Committee, the State Duma and the Provisional Government by arguing that the Provisional Government made a hasty and cardinal mistake in cutting its relationship with the State Duma. This book is a landmark in the interpretation of the February Revolution, and especially of the role of the Duma liberals in the revolution.


Author(s):  
Александр Лушин ◽  
Aleksandr Lushin ◽  
Ксения Чудецкая ◽  
Kseniya Chudeckaya

This article is devoted to the intensive development of domestic legislation regulating the activities of the military clergy in the early twentieth century, when the Russian army had to take part consistently in two wars: the Russian-Japanese (1904-1905) and the First world war or the great (1914-1918). The historical and legal experience of the military clergy of Imperial Russia at the present time is of reasonable interest in connection with the revival and development of this institution in the modern power structures of the Russian Federation.


Author(s):  
Guy Rowlands

For all the research that has been done into French politics and society in the fifty years before the Revolution, only a handful of serious studies have looked at the great noble families and the royal court. Moreover, the history of the army, where leading noble families dominated the upper ranks, has been integrated neither with that of the court, nor with that of intra-noble relations. This chapter therefore examines the most prestigious units of the French army — the privileged forces associated directly with the royal households — to bring together the history of the military and the court and suggest why, by the time the old regime collapsed in 1787–89, the great nobility was at loggerheads with the monarchy, and why relations between higher and lesser nobles had deteriorated a great deal since the reign of Louis XIV. The collapse of elite cohesion was ultimately disastrous for all concerned.


2020 ◽  
pp. 336-357
Author(s):  
V. V. Kalinovsky

The plot, connected with attacks on the head of the Taurida diocese Dimitri (Abashidze), accused of Germanophilism during the First World War is examined in the article. These events are inscribed in the context of the aggravation of the national question that happened in the wake of the military confrontation between the Russian Empire and Germany. The relevance of this study is due to the insufficient elaboration of the issue of the involvement of the Orthodox clergy in resolving interethnic relations, as well as the participation of the clergy in the Russian nationalist movement. The novelty of the research lies in the introduction of a new corpus of sources into the scientific circulation, which makes it possible to consistently trace how the solution of the regional conflict on ethnic grounds, due to the attention of the capital’s newspapers, reached the state level and was used in the political struggle. It is noted that the appeal of Dimitri (Abashidze) to the priests was the reason for accusing the hierarch of Germanophilism, in which the «Vechernee Vremya» newspaper was most zealous. It is shown that priests and public figures spoke in defense of the bishop. It is proved that the attacks on the Tauride bishop contributed to the intensification of his activities in the right political camp.


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