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Significance On the same day, a dissident faction of the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) -- the umbrella group of protest leaders, political parties and armed opposition groups behind the civilian cabinet -- made the same demand. These calls reflect intensifying rifts within government, amplified by a recent failed coup and protests in eastern Sudan. Impacts An anti-corruption body may assume some functions of the ‘Empowerment Removal Commission’, which has faced accusations of politicisation. Fears that Sudan’s ports will remain vulnerable to future stoppages will further deter foreign investment. The military may continue to deepen ties with native leaders to offset the influence of its rivals in government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. Vera-Gray

Critiques of the trauma model for understanding the harms of sexual violence raise some important questions about the radical roots of Rape Crisis Centres in the UK and their relationship to the services offered, and funded, today. Drawing from a research conversation with three women from the national umbrella group Rape Crisis England and Wales, this article finds that in contrast to the depoliticised and individualised discourse of trauma, the original ethos of Rape Crisis in England sought to recognise the harms of rape across four interlocking dimensions: personal, cultural, social and structural. This approach demonstrates an understanding of the self as relational, situated and intersectional, aligning with recent philosophical work on sexual violence and suggesting the importance of key working practices that are in tension with the counselling model that currently dominates provision.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kylie Moore-Gilbert

Drawing on content analysis and framing theory, this article examines the use of images in the social media activism of three Bahraini Shiʿi opposition groups throughout 2015: Al-Wefaq, a moderate political society in favour of constitutional monarchy; Haqq, an underground pro-republic political society; and the February 14 Coalition, a decentralized umbrella group of youth activists dedicated to overthrowing Bahrain’s Al Khalifa monarchy. The differing ideologies, objectives and approaches to activism within Bahrain’s Shiʿi opposition are investigated through an analysis of each group’s framing of themes including religion, violence, nationalism and sectarianism. The first empirical study of social media image activism in post-Arab Spring Bahrain, this article reveals the increasing fragmentation of the Shiʿi opposition following the 2011 uprising, and makes a valuable contribution to the broader debate surrounding the changing nature of activism in an increasingly visual digital age.


2017 ◽  
Vol 95 (4) ◽  
pp. 311-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yan Lu ◽  
Hope D. Anderson

Cannabis sativa has long been used for medicinal purposes. To improve safety and efficacy, compounds from C. sativa were purified or synthesized and named under an umbrella group as cannabinoids. Currently, several cannabinoids may be prescribed in Canada for a variety of indications such as nausea and pain. More recently, an increasing number of reports suggest other salutary effects associated with endogenous cannabinoid signaling including cardioprotection. The therapeutic potential of cannabinoids is therefore extended; however, evidence is limited and mechanisms remain unclear. In addition, the use of cannabinoids clinically has been hindered due to pronounced psychoactive side effects. This review provides an overview on the endocannabinoid system, including known physiological roles, and conditions in which cannabinoid receptor signaling has been implicated.


Author(s):  
Martin Hingley ◽  
Eliseo L. Vilalta-Perdomo

This theoretical chapter discusses the role that intermediaries may play in direct distribution, supply chains and supply networks. The first approach does not recognize benefits from striving for collaboration and avoids intermediaries' participation as much as possible. Conversely, the latter two emphasize the creation of economic and efficiency values, through the alignment of goals and resources directed by a stronger channel lead body. However, in the case of micro-producers, increasing these values is not the only motivation; lifestyle or esteem factors may be, for example, more potent drivers. The research extends multi-actor supply arrangements beyond chains and networks, by introducing the concept of supply communities. This is illustrated through a vignette of a regional food marketing umbrella group that plays an organizing role. Findings suggest intermediaries to act as triggers for collaboration. The complementary nature of the community approach suggests a framework for micro-businesses to strengthen their operations with existing traditional supply arrangements.


Author(s):  
Daniel Byman
Keyword(s):  
Al Qaeda ◽  

What Are Al Qaeda’s Goals Today? Beginning in the mid-1990s, and becoming firm in February 1998 with the release of a fatwa from the Al Qaeda-backed umbrella group, the World Islamic Front for Combat Against Jews and Crusaders, Al Qaeda coalesced around...


2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert Gnaś

AbstractGlobal Warming and the Kyoto Protocol are tssues that raise many controverts. This matter is especially visible in the countries which formed the JUSCANNZ, later renamed the Umbrella Group, which is an alliance in the climate negotiations process that consists of non-European Union developed states that - above all - oppose new greenhouse gases emissions reductions commitments under the Kyoto Protocol. The Kyoto Protocol itself and the aforementioned commitments were and still are the sources of conflicts on the international and country levels. On the country level these conflicts are highly noticeable in four Umbrella Group countries: United States, Australia, New Zealand and Canada and they occurred on various levels in regard to the Kyoto Protocol: negotiation (case of the United States), ratification (cases of the United States and Australia), implementation (cases of the Australia and New Zealand) and a level that can be called a “withdrawal" level (case of Canada). All these conflicts were caused by differences in main political parties' positions towards the Kyoto Protocol and/or by differences in the look on that matter presented by the legislative branch and the executive branch. In this article the abovementioned issues will be examined.


2013 ◽  
Vol 31 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 27-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikos Papastergiadis ◽  
Charles Esche

This interview was conducted on 8 October 2011 at the Van Abbemuseum, Eindhoven. It was held during a symposium that reflected on the work of Rancière and was a part of a broader engagement with the concept of autonomy and its relation to art organized by an umbrella group of universities and arts organizations under the name of ‘The Autonomy Project’. A number of the symposium’s participants – Peter Osborne, Gerald Raunig, Isabell Lorey, Ruth Sondregger, Kim Mereiene and Adrian Martin – contributed questions that formed the basis of this interview. The interview took place at a time when the longer-term possibilities of the Arab Spring and Occupy/Indignados movements were under general scrutiny. It was also a moment when the Van Abbemuseum itself was compelled to reflect on its own position of political autonomy in relation to neoliberal state directives, political populism at the local level and its own critique of aesthetic autonomy. Rancière’s work on aesthetics and politics has been as much appreciated as a clearance strategy against prevailing visual prejudices as it has served as a platform for rethinking the emancipatory potential of creative practice.


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