Charter 77 in the journalism of the Parisian “Kultura”

Although the Czechoslovak theme was not of particular interest in the journalism of “Kultura” (compared to Ukrainian or Lithuanian issues), it covered issues concerning Poland’s southern neighbour. The year 1968 marked a special period of increased interest in Czechoslovakia and the associated process of a series of social, political and economic reforms, which went down in history under the name of the Prague Spring. The period after the invasion by the Warsaw Pact troops and the start of the so-called process of normalization was also closely commented on by columnists and analysts of “Kultura”. However, particular attention was paid to the activities of the opposition in the area of Charter 77. The purpose of this article is to show how the Parisian “Kultura” referred to the opposition movement in Czechoslovakia. Moreover, Czechoslovak writers associated with Czechoslovak immigrant communities spoke out more often in “Kultura” pages

Greek and Roman Pottery in the African Kingdom of Meroe: Ways of Penetration and Influence

The article analyzes the ceramic imports found on the territory of the Meroitic Kingdom – the southern neighbour of Egypt, which existed on the territory of modern Sudan since the second half of the 6th century B.C. until the middle of the 4th century A.D. The imported pottery revealed in the process of archaeological excavations of necropoleis, residential and temple complexes are mainly of Mediterranean origin and are associated with the Hellenistic world that later became a part of the Roman Empire. The finds are mostly rare and are represented by fragments of amphorae from various regions of Italy, Aegean region, Asia Minor, the Levant, northern Africa, as well as the European provinces of the Roman Empire – Baetika and Gaul. The main consumer of foreign goods, in small numbers reaching the middle and upper reaches of the Nile, was probably the Meroitic elite. It is logical to assume that the penetration of Mediterranean ceramics into Meroe was facilitated by the trade ties of its northern neighbour – Egypt:trade with the Mediterranean took place through Egyptian river and caravan routes; although hypothetically, one cannot exclude the possibility of goods entering Meroe bypassing Egypt, through the Red Sea ports. Despite a small share of imported products in the Meroitic Kingdom and regardless of the ways of their movement, they had a significant influence on the local pottery manufacturing; a reflection of this process was the appearance in the African kingdom of Hellenistic forms of vessels (kraters, askoses, lekythoi, clepsydras, etc.) and vase painting in the Greek style. As a result, a very special synthesis of artistic ideas emerged, embodied in Meroitic ceramics. Along with the local Nubian features, Egyptian and Hellenistic themes, techniques and ceramic forms are recognized there, which are characteristic for the pottery of Late and Ptolemaic Egypt, ancient Greece and Rome and allows us to see the Kingdom of Meroe as the extreme southern outpost of the Hellenistic world.

Opening of the Russian Consulate General in Khorasan in 1889. The Afghan Aspect

By the mid-1880s, Russia took over Central Asia and approached closely to the borders of Afghanistan. As a result of the Second Anglo-Afghan War (1878–1880), Russia's southern neighbour assumed the status of a British protectorate and lost the right to an independent foreign policy. Against the backdrop of the ongoing Russian-British confrontation in Central Asia, Russian authorities felt an urgent need to obtain the reliable information on Afghanistan, but did not have an opportunity to send an envoy there and had to develop semi-legal intelligence activities and rely on the information obtained largely from local dwellers. Between 1882 and 1900, Russian Government opened four diplomatic offices to the north and west of the Afghan border: the Consulate in Kashgar (1882), the Political Agency in Bukhara (1885), the Consulate General in Khorasan (1889) and the Vice-Consulate in Sistan (1900). The aforementioned missions are united by the fact that their duties in addition to the issues related to the host territories, included information gathering about Afghanistan. However, the Afghan aspect of these diplomatic missions’ activities has not yet been reflected in any historical studies. The author has a plan for a thorough study of the issue and this article on the opening of the Russian Consulate General in the Iranian city of Mashhad being the first step on this way. On the basis of this research were the documents of the Foreign Policy Archive of Imperial Russia, the Russian State Historical Archive, as well as the source entitled “Siraj al-Tawarikh” in Dari.

The Polish-Czechoslovakian Conflict over Cieszyn Silesia, Spiš and Orava in the years 1938-1939 as Reported by the Polish Provincial Press published in Siedlce

The paper touches upon the theme of how the provincial press in Poland commented on the Polish-Czechoslovakian conflict over Cieszyn Silesia, Spiš and Orava. The timespan covers a few months in 1938 and 1939 - from the time Hitler made his claims towards Czechoslovakia until the moment the state was dismantled. The author has focused on presenting the Polish-Czechoslovakian relations as reported by the press published in Siedlce, a district town located in the centre of pre-war Poland. At that time four periodicals were published there. The analysis of these publications has allowed the author to determine that the editors informed their readers about the situation of the disputed territories on a regular basis. The editors tried to make their message more attractive by posting photos or accounts by special correspondents. They built among its readers a negative image of the Czechoslovakian state, which was presented as an artificial creation where the rights of national minorities were not respected. The incorporation of these lands into Poland was presented as a symbol of historical justice. The press also played an important part in mobilising the local community to act for fellow countrymen from the lands being the object of the Polish-Czechoslovakian dispute. However, it did not recognise the growth of Slovakian independence activities, which were important for the internal affairs of Poland’s southern neighbour.

Mining supply disruptions mask mounting demand fears

Subject COVID-19-related disruptions to the mining supply chain. Significance The severity and length of COVID-19-related lockdowns has varied by country, but disruptions have quickly affected production. While West Africa, Russia and initially Mexico struggled to define a clear policy for mining, strict initial prohibition hit production in New Zealand, Peru, Argentina, South Africa, Ecuador and India in late March and into April. Spain, Australia, Chile, Quebec and Finland stuck to the middle ground, phasing policies in and out and permitting selected activity. Impacts Key plants, including iron ore mines in Australia and copper mines in Chile and the United States, are seeing little disruption so far. Mongolia, the first nation to close its borders with China, has also been the first to resume coal exports to its southern neighbour. Western Australia banned some fly-in, fly-out commuting arrangements to mines; similar such bans could persist elsewhere for months.

Education as an Instrument of Russian “Soft Power” in Russian-Mongolian Relations at the End of XX - Beginning of XXI Centuries

The article is devoted to the analysis of the development of cooperation in the field of education between Russia and Mongolia in recent history. The transformation of bilateral ties in the educational sphere under the influence of various factors is discussed in the study. Attention is paid to the prerequisites for reducing the intensity of bilateral contacts, as well as the implementation of specific projects that, to one degree or another, stimulate the growth of academic mobility. It is shown that the historical processes of the late twentieth century in Mongolia had an impact on the cooling of relations between countries. It is noted that in the 2000s, Mongolian-Chinese relations, including in the humanitarian sphere were intensified. It is affirmed that China’s “soft power” in the form of various kinds of programs for young people is systemic and influences the formation of public consciousness in relation to the “southern neighbour”. The author considers it necessary to recognize that, for objective reasons, Russia is inferior to China in the field of humanitarian projects. At the same time, the benevolent attitude towards the Russians and to Russia as a whole on the part of the population of Mongolia, especially the older generation is noted. The relevance of the study is to identify trends, factors that determine the nature of the mutual influence of Russia and Mongolia in the field of education in the latest period of historical development. The nature of the interaction of Mongolia and the regions of Russia and their role in the development of bilateral relations are analyzed.

Foreign Policy of Nepal: Continuity and Changes

After the unification of Nepal, the founder of the nation, King Prithvi Narayan Shah formulated an underlying principle of Nepal's foreign policy based on Geopolitics. He described the geographical situation of Nepal as a ‘yam between two boulders’, referring to the two big neighbours of Nepal – China and India. King Prithvi Narayan Shah was not only a great warrior but a visionary leader, who had appropriately assessed the geopolitical sensitivities of Nepal and adopted non-aligned foreign policy. He also said it was important for the county to keep a balanced relationship with these two huge neighbours. He cautiously moved maintained distance and balance considering the imperatives of the fragile situation. Nepal's foreign policy thereafter has passed through the turbulent periods; extreme loyalty had been maintained to the southern neighbour and pro-northern approach surfaced consequently. With the formation of the elected government after the promulgation of new constitution, major shift is observed in Nepal's foreign policy- the diversification of Nepal's trade and transit to China.

Conflicting visions? Cuba in the eyes of a Soviet spy and an American diplomat

This review essay considers the books Raúl Castro: un hombre en revolución by Nikolai S. Leonov and Our woman in Havana: a diplomat's chronicle of America's long struggle with Castro's Cuba by Vicki Huddleston. One would be hard-pressed to find more qualified observers with first-hand experience of Cuba's politics than Nikolai Leonov and Vicki Huddleston. A former chief of KGB's analytical department, Leonov held several medals and decorations, including the Ernesto Che Guevara First Degree Order of the Cuban Council of State. Huddleston, on the other hand, headed the Cuban Affairs of the State Department and in 1999 became the first woman to lead the United States' Interests Section in Havana. Both authors offer in their accounts two visions of Cuba which rather complement each other. The keen revolutionary eye of the Soviet spy leans towards temporality. He saw Cuba in East–West terms, where historically the decade-old American aggressive plans and Soviet's withdrawal pushed the island into a corner. On the other hand, the seasoned American diplomat, well versed in the complex ebb and flow between her state and its southern neighbour, sides with positivity. To her, Cuba is a ‘natural ally’ to the United States. Our woman in Havana admits there is more to the erstwhile Cold War, and with this Ambassador Huddleston's seeks to awaken the ‘better angels’ of US foreign policy towards the island nation.

Information management in the police force of the Slovak Republic

INFORMATION MANAGEMENT IN THE POLICE FORCE OF THE SLOVAK REPUBLICThe article presents the process of information management within the realms of the functio­ning of the Police Corps in the Slovak Republic. The described solutions concern broadly under­stood social communication, which is the participation of press departments of this largest military force responsible for safety and public order in our southern neighbour. Within the article both orga­nizational and doctrinal solutions were presented in the scope of contacts with media, information flow between individual departments, and organizational units of the Police Corps.

Националните митови во современа Европа и негирањето на македонскиот идентитеm

National myths in modern Europe and denial Macedonian identity The independence proclamation of the Republic of Macedonia in 1991 provoked ardent reactions and denials by its neighbours, against the fact that she was the only peaceful actor in the Yugoslavia’s dissolution. The first negative reactions and denials came from the Southern Neighbor, whose denial was directed towards the name, i.e. the identity, while the others referred to the language, identity and even a part of the territory. The most vociferous and at the same time the most successful was the reaction of the Southern Neighbour, who gained support of the European ‘democrats’, which de facto turned them into accomplices in the open blackmail that demanded the Republic of Macedonia to change its constitutional name. Namely, the 1992 Lisbon Declaration of the E(uropean) C(ouncil) imposed a demand to the Republic of Macedonia to accept any name that would not contain the word “Macedonia” in order to be recognized by the EU!?! The newly independent state was finally admitted to the UN under a reference “the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” through violation of the provisions of the UN Charter. Twenty years later the country is still enforced to use the offensive reference, and often even to tolerate the FYROM acronym. This article deals precisely with the politics of pressures and blackmail exercised by NATO and EU with regard to the so‑called name dispute. It also centers on national myths that are used in order to “justify” such politics and on the attitude of the European ‘democrats’ towards those national myths. In contrast to the democratic rules preached by NATO and EU across the world, the Republic of Macedonia was and still is blackmailed by an unprincipled demand to select a NEW name in order to please one member-state. As a consequence of that demand, the national myth linked with ancient Macedonians (so-called antiquisation, although the better term is antique-mania) has been revived and upgraded. A number of pseudo-historians with various professional backgrounds, such as journalists, politicians, writers, physicians, and even university professors, has involved in this endeavor. To make things worse, even some historians and archaeologists may be seen in this group, with a mission to defend the right to the name and identity. The societal climate has been politicized to such a degree that not only the neighbours, but even EU has been caught in the vicious circle of competing and mutually exclusive national myths. The Union obviously insists on the philhellenic myth i.e. on the alleged Hellenic roots of the European culture as such. Mity narodowe współczesnej Europy i negowanie tożsamości macedońskiej Niepodległość Republiki Macedonii - państwa, które w 1991 roku drogą pokojową odłączyło się od struktur Jugosławii - wywołała ostre spory z jej sąsiadami. Pierwszy wywołał jej połu­dniowy sąsiad, negując jej nazwę, pozostali sąsiedzi podważali natomiast jej język, tożsamość i prawo do części terytorium. Najgłośniejszy i najbardziej skuteczny w tych działaniach okazał się sąsiad południowy, który otrzymał wsparcie demokracji europejskich, przyczyniając się do tego, że Europejczycy stali się de facto współodpowiedzialni za szantażowanie RM w celu zmiany jej konstytucyjnej nazwy. W oparciu o Deklarację Lizbońską z 1992 roku Rada Europy uwarunkowała uznanie Republiki Macedonii tylko wtedy, gdy z konstytucyjnej nazwy państwa usunięte zostanie słowo Macedonia. Niespotykanym dotąd precedensem w historii ONZ stało się przyjęcie nowego państwa do jej struktur pod nazwą „Była Jugosłowiańska Republika Macedonii”, skróconej do uwłaczającego akronimu FYROM.W artykule podjęto kwestię dotyczącą nacisków ze strony NATO i UE wobec tzw. problemu nazwy a także mitów narodowych, którymi usprawiedliwia się tę politykę oraz stosunku demokracji europejskich wobec tych mitów. Jednak wbrew zasadom demokracji, jakie szerzy UE i NATO, Republika Macedonii była i nadal jest szantażowana bezzasadnym żądaniem znalezienia NOWEJ nazwy według żądań jednego z jej członków.Następstwem tych działań w RM stało się odnowienie i rozszerzenie narodowego mitu o związki z Macedończykami antycznymi. Nieodłącznym elementem towarzyszącym temu zjawisku jest turbo folk oraz wsparcie pseudohistoryków wszelkich profesji: dziennikarzy, polityków, literatów, lekarzy a nawet profesorów uniwersyteckich. Najbardziej zatrważającym – w celu ochrony właściwej nazwy państwa dowodzącej tożsamości – stało się włączenie do tego nurtu zawodowych historyków i archeologów.Sytuacja uległa upolitycznieniu do takiego stopnia, że nie tylko sąsiedzi, ale również UE wkroczyła do magicznego kręgu demonstrowania mitów narodowych, odwołując się do filohelleńskiego mitu rzekomych helleńskich korzeni kultury europejskiej.