Brewing Inequalities: Kenya’s Smallholder Tea Farmers and the Developmentalist State in the Late-Colonial and Early-Independence Era

2019 ◽  
pp. 233-253
Author(s):  
Muey C. Saeteurn
Keyword(s):  
Independence Era

Benin: Governance, lifelong learning and development

2021 ◽  
pp. 147797142199941
Author(s):  
Idowu Biao
Keyword(s):  
Lifelong Learning ◽  
Analysis Method ◽  
Learning And Development ◽  
Thematic Content Analysis ◽  
National Education ◽  
Know How ◽  
Content Analysis Method ◽  
Preparation Period ◽  
Independence Era ◽  
Access To Knowledge

This article analyses and identifies the extent to which the different pre- and post-independence typologies of governance in Benin have facilitated the promotion of lifelong learning as instrument for development. Relying on the thematic content analysis method, the article identifies three themes and three main typologies of governance spanning the independence preparation period and post-independence era. Of the three styles of governance, only the Marxist–Leninist government succeeded in promoting lifelong learning by default. Lifelong learning being one type of learning that promotes the re-engineering of society through the constant dissemination of knowledge, information and know-how and through the constant retooling of the citizenry for purpose of investment of their talents in ever renewable ways, Benin is called upon to prioritise the promotion of lifelong learning soon. Specifically, Benin has been advised to restructure her national educational sector by bringing the whole sector under one Minister of Education with a view to enabling a seamless interaction across all sections of the national education. This restructuring as described in Figure 1 within the article, would facilitate timeous access to knowledge, information and skills that would enable individuals to participate in different sectors of the economy and thereby advance rapid national socio-economic development.

Stability and Governability the Benign Effects of Party Dominance in South Africa

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-75
Author(s):  
Ainara Mancebo
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
South African ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
The Other ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
African Countries ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Independence Era ◽  
Party Dominance

A tripartite alliance formed by the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions has been ruling the country with wide parliamentarian majorities. The country remains more consensual and politically inclusive than any of the other African countries in the post-independence era. This article examines three performance’s aspects of the party dominance systems: legitimacy, stability and violence. As we are living in a period in which an unprecedented number of countries have completed democratic transitions, it is politically and conceptually important that we understand the specific tasks of crafting democratic consolidation.

Stanlake Samkange’s Insufferable Zimbabwe: Distanciating Trauma from the Novel to Philosophy

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-176
Author(s):  
Jeanne-Marie Jackson
Keyword(s):  
Trauma Theory ◽  
The Novel ◽  
African Context ◽  
Independence Era ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Fresh Insight ◽  
Insight Into

This article theorizes the Zimbabwean writer Stanlake Samkange’s turn from the novel to philosophy as an effort to circumvent the representational pressure exerted by African cultural traumatization. In breaking with the novel form to coauthor a philosophical treatise called Hunhuism or Ubuntuism in the same year as Zimbabwe achieves independence (1980), Samkange advances a comportment-based, deontological alternative to the psychic or subjective model of personhood that anchors trauma theory. Revisiting the progression from his most achieved novel, The Mourned One, to Hunhuism or Ubuntuism thus offers fresh insight into the range of options available to independence-era writers for representing the relationship between African individuality and collectivity. At the same time, it suggests a complementary and overlooked relationship between novelistic and philosophical forms in an African context.

Nehru Report, Muslim Demands and the Hindu Mahasabha: Elusive Consensus on Future Constitution

2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 534-551
Author(s):  
Bhuwan Kumar Jha
Keyword(s):  
White Paper ◽  
Indian Constitution ◽  
Indian Politics ◽  
Fault Lines ◽  
Independence Era ◽  
The Government ◽  
Colonial Government

The Nehru Report of August 1928 presented the blueprint of a Swaraj Constitution. Encapsulating the demands of the Indians to the colonial government as opposed to the latter’s insistence on seeking opinion through an all-whites commission, the report also presents the historical roots of our present Constitution. Amid opposing claims, consensus over the communal issues in the report, which appeared possible until late 1928, became elusive from the end of December 1928. It was mainly due to the closing of the ranks of significant Muslim leadership behind Jinnah, and an ever-increasing vigilant attitude of the Hindu Mahasabha in not allowing any change beyond what had already been agreed upon. The failure of the report meant an end to the hope of finding a consensual solution to a future Indian Constitution made by the Indians and for the Indians. This, in turn, provided the colonial government with an excuse to impose its scheme through the Communal Award, White Paper and subsequently the Government of India Act of 1935. So, the most elaborate constitutional framework prepared by the leading nationalist leaders during the pre-Independence era finally crumbled under the weight of communal deadlock. This article studies the processes through which the differences over communal representation became so overpowering that they rocked the entire boat. The widening of communal fault lines precipitated by contesting claims over the recommendations of the Nehru Report left serious repercussions over the trajectory of future Indian politics.

An Analysis of Agriculture Sector of Inclusive Growth in India

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 83-90
Author(s):  
P Chennakrishnan ◽  
D Thenmozhi
Keyword(s):  
Labor Force ◽  
Agricultural Sector ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Inclusive Growth ◽  
Rural Infrastructure ◽  
Indian Economy ◽  
Agriculture Sector ◽  
Service Sectors ◽  
Independence Era ◽  
The Government

Agriculture remains the dominant supporter of the Indian populace. The thriving industry and service sectors depend on the agricultural sector for their development. The inter-linkage among the three sectors could not be undermined at any cost. It is the massive absorbent of the labor force even though the disguised unemployment exists in varied magnitude. The share of agriculture to the GDP has come down from 57.7% in 1950-51 to 32.2% in 1990-91 at the time of liberalization, 24.6% in 2000-2001, 15.7% in 2009-2010 then 17%. In the post-independence era, stagnant production, low productivity, traditional technology, and poor rural infrastructure were the major challenges for the Government. India is principally an agricultural country. The agriculture sector estimates 18.0% of the GDP and employs 52% of the total workforce. There is a continuous steady decay in its presence towards the GDP, and the agriculture sector is losing its shine and anchor position in the Indian economy. The problems with which the Indian agricultural scenario is charged in present times are many. Still, this in no way undermines the interest of the sector and the role it can play in the holistic and inclusive growth of the country. Agriculture is fundamental for the sustenance of an economy, as is food for a human being.

scholarly journals Is Islam Compatible With Democracy? Islamist Movement’s Trajectory on Democratization in Indonesia

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 139
Author(s):  
Muzayyin Ahyar
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Values ◽  
Historical Approach ◽  
Research Results ◽  
Independence Era ◽  
State Relations ◽  
New Formula ◽  
Islamist Movement ◽  
Democratic Country ◽  
Islamist Movements ◽  
Islam And Democracy

<p class="ABSTRACT"><span lang="EN">The democratization process in Indonesia is in line with the emergence several Islamic mass organizations which accept or rejected the concept of democracy. Since the pre-independence era, Indonesia has been facing some Islamist groups that opposed to state’s ideology of democracy. This article presents the discussion among scholars about the compatibility between Islamic norms and democratic values, and in what position Indonesia is. The dealing question with the discussion is; does the proliferation of radical Islamist movement signify the incompatibility of Islam and democracy? By using sociological and historical approach, this paper analyzes in order to what extent the values of democracy and Islamism adapt in the frame of a democratic country. The analysis of this research results that the existing radical Islamist movement is not a failure of Indonesia’s effort to harmonize Islam with democracy. Thus, neither the presence of pro-democracy Islamic mass organizations nor the radical Islamist movement cannot be used as the final argument to answer whether Islam compatible with democracy or not. The results of this study reveal that democratization in Indonesia has been accompanied by the proliferation of Islamist movements. The proliferation of Islamist movements nowadays precisely indicates that democracy in Indonesia has a special experience regarding new formula of peacefully religion-state relations.</span></p><span>Proses demokratisasi di Indonesia berjalan seiring lahirnya berbagai organisasi masyarakat Islam yang mendukung maupun menolak demokrasi. Sejak era pra-kemerdekaan hingga era reformasi, Indonesia terus dihadapkan dengan fenomena gerakan Isalmisme yang bersebrangan dengan ideologi Negara. Artikel ini menghadirkan diskusi yang selama ini masih banyak didiskusikan mengenai kesesuaian Islam dan demokrasi, dan di mana posisi Indonesia dalam hal kesesuaian dan ketidaksesuaian Islam dan demokrasi tersebut. Pertanyaan kunci dari artikel ini apakah proliferasi gerakan Islamis radikal menandakan ketidaksesuaian Islam dan demokrasi? Dengan menggunakan pendekatan sosiologi dan historis, artikel ini menganalisis sejauh mana nilai-nilai demokrasi dan Islamisme beradaptasi dalam bingkai Negara yang demokratis. Hasil analisis dari kajian ini menemukan bahwa eksistensi gerakan Islamis radikal bukan sebuah pertanda akan kegagalan usaha keras Indonesia dalam mengharmonisasikan Islam dan demokrasi. Sehingga, kehadiran ormas Islam, baik pendukung maupun penolak demokrasi, keduanya tidak dapat dijadikan jawaban final bahwa Islam sesuai atau tidak dengan demokrasi. Hasil dari kajian ini menekankan bahwa demokratisasi di Indonesia selalu diwarnai dengan proliferasi gerakan Islamis. Proliferasi gerakan Islamis akhir-akhir ini justru membuktikan bahwa demokrasi di Indonesia memiliki pengalaman khusus terkait formula hubungan agama-negara dalam masyarakat yang demokratis.</span>

scholarly journals Edna O’Brien The Country Girls (1960): Deconstructing the Irish Women’s Myth

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachida KADDOURI ◽  
Nadia LOUAHALA
Keyword(s):  
Irish Literature ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Irish Woman ◽  
Cultural Transformations ◽  
Edna O'brien ◽  
Irish Women ◽  
Open Discussion ◽  
Independence Era ◽  
Set Up

The rigid cultural and political environment of the 1940s post-independence era in Ireland placed a significant limitation on women by socially constructing and consistently implementing a strictly-defined Irish Catholic female identity. Over time, women could no longer stand this situation, and movements for women’s rights were set up. Political, social as well as cultural transformations in the country were accompanied by a necessarily urgent literary reaction, especially by female writers. Edna O’Brien, one of the most loved, and influential Irish women writers, published her first novel, The Country Girls (1960). She helped open discussion of the role of women and sex in Irish society and of Roman Catholicism’s persecution upon women. The present paper intends to focus on Irish women through The Country Girls. It explores the conflicts and compromises of Irish woman identity as this has been represented in the 20th-century Irish literature; concerning the more generalized categories of society, nation, and religion.

scholarly journals MEMORIZING PROPAGANDA OF EQUALITY IN NGULANDARA AND KIRTI NDJOENJOENG DRADJAT, NOVELS OF BALAI POESTAKA (Mengingat Kembali Propaganda Kesetaraan dalam Novel-Novel Balai Poestaka, Ngulandara dan Kirti Ndjoenjoeng Dradjat)

Kandai ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Yohanes Adhi Satiyoko
Keyword(s):  
Lower Class ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Literary Works ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
Sociological Approach ◽  
Independence Era ◽  
Colonial Government ◽  
The Voice ◽  
Dutch Colonial ◽  
The Way

Equality of men is a great issue to maintain every country all the time. Indonesia is one of them which should struggle to maintain it so far. Fictional work is one of the aesthetical means to support it. The way of struggle can be memorized through the time of independence era in fictional works of Balai Poestaka publisher. Javanese language novels, Ngulandara and Kirti NdjoendjoengDradjat are two literary works published by BalaiPoestaka that were written in the dominance times of Balai Poestaka activities as commission for people’s reading in Dutch colonial era in Indonesia (Dutch Indies). Kepriyayian (nobility) was the theme of Ngulandara (1936) and Kirti NdjoendjoengDradjat(1924) novels. As seen from propaganda point of view, ideologically the portrayal of priyayi (nobleman) was analogy symbol of Dutch colonial government that ruled social system. Ngulandara and Kirti Njunjung Drajat showed a “struggle” through literary works as portrayed in wong cilik (Javanese: lower class people) who struggled against the existence of the authorities. The struggle emerged in the way of wong cilik behaved intellectually, morally, even mannerly better than the nobles (priyayi). This research used the theory of literature and propaganda using a sociological approach. Those oppositional relationships between deconstruction nobles and the raise of wong cilik in the field of intellectual, moral, and manner show the propaganda of equality of men through the voice of Jasawidagdo and Margana Djajaatmadja.Kesetaraan manusia merupakan isu besar yang harus selalu dijaga di setiap negara. Indonesia adalah salah satu negara yang harus tetap berjuang menjaga isu tersebut. Karya fiksi berfungsi sebagai salah satu peranti estetis untuk mendukung isu tersebut. Cara memperjuangkan isu tersebut ialah dengan mengingat kembali masa kemerdekaan melalui penerbit Balai Poestaka. Novel-novel berbahasa Jawa, Ngulandara dan Kirti Ndjoendjoeng Dradjat ialah dua karya sastra yang diterbitkan oleh Balai Poestaka yang ditulis pada waktu dominasi Balai Poestaka sebagai komisi bacaan rakyat di era kolonial Belanda di Indonesia (Hindia Belanda). Kepriyayian merupakan tema novel Ngulandara (1936) dan Kirti Njoendjoeng Dradjat (1924). Dilihat dari sudut pandang propaganda, penggambaran priyayi merupakan analogi simbol pemerintah kolonial Belanda yang berkuasa mengatur sistem sosial kemasyarakatan. Ngulandara dan Kirti Ndjoendjoeng Dradjat menunjukkan sebuah “perjuangan” melalui karya sastra seperti digambarkan melalui wong cilik yang berjuang melawan kemapanan penguasa. Perjuangan tersebut muncul dengan cara wong cilik tersebut bertindak secara intelektual, bermoral, bahkan bersikap lebih terhormat daripada para priyayi. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori sastra dan propaganda dengan pendekatan sosiologi. Relasi oposisional antara dekonstruksi priyayi dan bangkitnya wong cilik dalam ranah intelektual, moral, dan sikap menunjukkan propaganda kesetaraan manusia melalui suara Jasawidagdo dan Margana Djajaatmadja.  

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