Neutrality in International Relations: Theoretical Foundations

Author(s):  
Ryszard M. Czarny
Author(s):  
Casper Sylvest

This chapter draws on the writings of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century liberal writings to show how, mainly British, liberals campaigned for the moralization, reform, or regulation of international relations. It demonstrates how contemporary liberal theories have lost connection to the moral and normative articulations of a century or so ago and that the meaning and value of many key liberal terms and concepts have changed significantly. As an example, the chapter shows that, although the relationship between liberalism and democracy appears inseparable today, a century and a half ago liberals were apprehensive about democracy. Liberals were devoted to the rule of law and representative government but, for many, democracy raised the spectre of the tyranny of an uneducated and potentially debased majority.


1967 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth W. Thompson

International relations have been the object of widespread study and review in the United States since World War I. Attention has focussed alternately on the flow of events, the goals and standards, and the underlying principles of world affairs. Primary emphasis has been directed to empirical, normative and theoretical problems. Along the way, scholars, statesmen and observers have singled out certain factors from the myriad dimensions of international society. Students have looked for concepts and methodologies by which order and meaning could be derived in this as in other complex fields.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (7) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gholamreza Rasoulizadeh ◽  
Ghafour Khoeini

On one hand, this study has considered the theoretical foundations of foreign policy and parliamentary relations and introduction of new effect of parliamentary relations and the solutions to enhance and improve that at the political world using juridical-legal regulations.  This study can be considered as a fundamental research to increase the information in theoretical field of jurisprudence and law, international relations and familiarity with this important concept in 21st century.  On the other hand, because of investigating the issue of enhancement of parliamentary relations in field of politics in general form and the interaction of Islamic Consultative Assembly (Iranian Parliament) with international and regional parliamentary assemblies in special form and presentation of suggestions to enhance the interactions using juridical-legal regulations; this study can be considered as an applied research.  In this study, the specialized knowledge and executive insight is improved from different aspects in field of theoretical (fundamental) and academic (applied) dimensions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 211-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dahlia Simangan

Abstract Several disciplines outside the natural sciences, including International Relations (IR), have engaged with the Anthropocene discourse in order to theorize their relevance and translate their practical value in this new phase of the Earth's history. Some IR scholars have called for a post-humanist IR, planet politics, a cosmopolitan view, and ecological security, among other approaches, to recalibrate the theoretical foundations of the discipline, making it more attuned to the realities of the Anthropocene. Existing discussions, however, tend to universalize human experience and gravitate towards western ontologies and epistemologies of living in the Anthropocene. Within this burgeoning scholarship, how is the IR discipline engaging with the Anthropocene discourse? Although the Anthropocene has become a new theoretical landscape for the conceptual broadening of conventional IR subjects, this review reveals the need for sustained discussion that highlights the differentiated human experiences in the Anthropocene. The existing IR publications on the Anthropocene locates the non-spatial narratives of vulnerability and historical injustice, the non-modernist understanding of nature, the agency of the vulnerable, and the amplification of security issues in the Anthropocene. It is in amplifying these narratives that the IR discipline can broaden and diversify the discourse on the Anthropocene and, therefore, affirm its relevance in this new geological age.


2016 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 417-438
Author(s):  
Nenad Stekic

The ideas of the democratic (separate) peace originally exposed during the Enlightenment period have been further explained during the 1980s, by entitling this issue within the academic discourse and setting up its theoretical foundations. The fruitfulness of quantitative empirical researches of the democratic peace theory had as its consequence many papers which were dedicated to these topics. Most of them have been taking into consideration very wide time framework of investigation which implied the usage of an uneven methodological data processing from different periods and have led to bad validity of the final results. This has become very significant when the authors were presenting diametrically different results using the completely same methodology. The interpretation of both results and basic theoretical foundations on which the theory is based on, also represent significant problem without achieved consensus within the academic community. This paper aims at empirically research the explanatory potential of the democratic peace theory in contemporary system of the international relations. By combining the data on conflict intensity taken from the Heidelberg Peace Research Institute (HIIK), and the data on the democratic level of states by Polity4 datasets, the authors tried to investigate the main hypothesis of the theory - whether the democratic states are less war prone in their interdependent relations? The research was conducted on 1985 registered conflicts within the 5 years term from 2010 to 2014. According to the extensive interpretations of the results, the starting hypothesis has been confirmed, but when it comes to the restrictive interpretation, the claims of the theory, that democracies are less war prone, have been rebutted.


Author(s):  
G.M. Kakenova ◽  
Z.А. Kakenova

The article discusses approaches to the study of the theoretical foundations of the U.S. foreign policy. For decades, the United States has been one of the most important actors in international relations. The post-Cold War period is one of the most important periods in the U.S. foreign policy. At this time, scholars also debate the new role of the United States in the structure of international relations. Singling out the United States as the only center of power, American researchers supported the idea of a “unipolar” world. The ideas of American scholars and researchers dominated the words of American political leaders of the time: the United States is a world leader, and its mission is to establish a new international political and economic order based on liberal democratic values. The ideas of spreading democratic values and the theory of a democratic peace have had a significant impact on the formation and development of the U.S. foreign policy after the Cold War. The article examines the content and essence of these theories, their basic principles, and the reflection of these theories in the foreign policy of the United States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rita Abrahamsen ◽  
Jean-François Drolet ◽  
Alexandra Gheciu ◽  
Karin Narita ◽  
Srdjan Vucetic ◽  
...  

Abstract The rise of radical right-wing leaders, parties, movements, and ideas have transformed not only domestic political landscapes but also the direction and dynamics of international relations. Yet for all their emphasis on nationalist identity, on “America First” and “Taking Back Control,” there is an unmistakable international dimension to contemporary nationalist, populist movements. Yet these movements are also often transnationally linked. We argue that a constitutive part of this globality is the New Right's (NR) own distinctive international political sociology (IPS). Key thinkers of the contemporary NR have, over several decades, theorized and strategically mobilized globalized economic dislocation and cultural resentment, developing a coherent sociological critique of globalization. Drawing on the oft-neglected tradition of elite managerialism, NR ideologues have borrowed freely from Lenin and Schmitt on the power of enmity, as well as from Gramsci and the Frankfurt School on counterhegemonic strategies. Against the temptation to dismiss right-wing ideas as “merely” populist and by implication as lacking in ideological and theoretical foundations, we are faced with the much more challenging task of engaging a position that has already developed its own international political sociology and incorporated it into its political strategies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 141-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Gilli ◽  
Mauro Gilli

Can countries easily imitate the United States' advanced weapon systems and thus erode its military-technological superiority? Scholarship in international relations theory generally assumes that rising states benefit from the “advantage of backwardness.” That is, by free riding on the research and technology of the most advanced countries, less developed states can allegedly close the military-technological gap with their rivals relatively easily and quickly. More recent works maintain that globalization, the emergence of dual-use components, and advances in communications have facilitated this process. This literature is built on shaky theoretical foundations, however, and its claims lack empirical support. In particular, it largely ignores one of the most important changes to have occurred in the realm of weapons development since the second industrial revolution: the exponential increase in the complexity of military technology. This increase in complexity has promoted a change in the system of production that has made the imitation and replication of the performance of state-of-the-art weapon systems harder—so much so as to offset the diffusing effects of globalization and advances in communications. An examination of the British-German naval rivalry (1890–1915) and China's efforts to imitate U.S. stealth fighters supports these findings.


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