Political in Nature: The Conflict-fuelling Character of International Climate Policies

Author(s):  
Linda Wallbott
2007 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-72
Author(s):  
Finn Roar Aune ◽  
Snorre Kverndokk ◽  
Lars Lindholt ◽  
Knut Einar Rosendahl

2019 ◽  
Vol 81 (6-8) ◽  
pp. 518-540
Author(s):  
Katharina Kleinen-von Königslöw ◽  
Senja Post ◽  
Mike S Schäfer

Implementing global climate change policies on the national and sub-national level requires the support of many societal actors. This support depends on the perceived legitimacy of climate policies, which can be sustained by legitimation debates in domestic news media. This article analyses legitimation statements on climate politics in newspapers of five countries for three Conferences of the Parties in 2004, 2009 and 2014 ( n = 369 legitimation statements). According to our data, it is mainly the legitimacy of international climate policies (instead of national ones) which is evaluated in national fora, and it is usually portrayed negatively. However, there is a noticeable shift in the arguments used over our 10-year period of analysis, moving from efficiency as the dominating evaluation criterion to questions of fairness in the distribution of costs and gains.


COSMOS ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (01) ◽  
pp. 43-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
ENDRE TVINNEREIM ◽  
ERICK LACHAPELLE ◽  
CHRISTOPHER BORICK

The challenges of collective action are presented by leaders in many industrialized countries as a major obstacle to effective action on climate change. Notably, the argument goes, a fair international solution must appropriately constrain large greenhouse gas emitters like China. This paper asks whether citizen support for multilateral climate policies also depends on whether other countries are seen to reciprocate. We analyze results from population-based survey experiments in the US, Canada, Norway, and Sweden, asking subjects whether they think their country should commit internationally to emission reductions. Randomly assigned sub-samples were presented with statements suggesting that China may or may not choose to cooperate, or alternatively making no mention of China. We find that reciprocity is important to respondents in the smaller Scandinavian countries but not in North America. These findings suggest that country size is more important than national traditions of multilateral cooperation in predicting support for unilateral climate action.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-78
Author(s):  
Yuri Yurievich Kovalev ◽  
Olga Sergeevna Porshneva

The article presents an analysis of the BRICS countries climate policies at the global and national levels. The authors consider the positions of these states within the framework of both international climate conferences (Conference of the Parties) held under the auspices of the UN since 1992, and the summits of BRICS member states in the years 2011-2020. The paper covers strategies and results of national climate policies implemented in these countries. Using structural, comparative, and content analysis methods, the authors emphasize that BRICS countries play a key role in stabilizing the climate of our planet today. It is impossible to achieve the main aim of the Paris Agreement without a comprehensive transformation of environmental practices in these societies. BRICS adheres to the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities in its position towards international climate policy; the BRICS countries stand for sustainable economic growth through the introduction of new environmental technologies, and against restrictive measures that impede their economic development. At the same time, the Russian economys dependence on the extraction and export of fuel resources complicates environmental transformation. Russia is dominated by a negative narrative of climate change, where the urgent ecological modernization of the economy is seen as a threat to key sectors (oil and gas) of the economy. The implementation of international agreements to reduce the carbon intensity of the Russian economy, the creation of conditions for the transition to climate-neutral technologies, would contribute not only to the fight against global climate change, but would become a powerful incentive for the modernization of the economy, accelerating innovation and increasing its competitiveness.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Josephine van Zeben

AbstractLiability for causing or failing to mitigate climate change has long been proposed as an alternative, or backstop, to lagging international cooperation. Thus far, there has been very limited success in holding governments or individuals responsible for the emission of greenhouse gases (GHGs) that are considered the primary cause of anthropogenic climate change. The recent landmark decision inUrgenda Foundationv.Government of the Netherlands (Ministry of Infrastructure and the Environment)breaks with this tradition. In June 2015, the Dutch District Court (The Hague) held that the current climate policies of the government are not sufficiently ambitious for it to fulfil its duty of care towards Dutch society. The judgment, and the accompanying order for the government to adopt stricter GHG reduction policies, raises important questions about the future of climate change liability litigation, the separation of powers between the judiciary and the legislature, and the effect of litigation on international climate change negotiation and cooperation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bjoern Soergel ◽  
Elmar Kriegler ◽  
Benjamin Leon Bodirsky ◽  
Nico Bauer ◽  
Marian Leimbach ◽  
...  

AbstractClimate change threatens to undermine efforts to eradicate extreme poverty. However, climate policies could impose a financial burden on the global poor through increased energy and food prices. Here, we project poverty rates until 2050 and assess how they are influenced by mitigation policies consistent with the 1.5 °C target. A continuation of historical trends will leave 350 million people globally in extreme poverty by 2030. Without progressive redistribution, climate policies would push an additional 50 million people into poverty. However, redistributing the national carbon pricing revenues domestically as an equal-per-capita climate dividend compensates this policy side effect, even leading to a small net reduction of the global poverty headcount (−6 million). An additional international climate finance scheme enables a substantial poverty reduction globally and also in Sub-Saharan Africa. Combining national redistribution with international climate finance thus provides an important entry point to climate policy in developing countries.


Author(s):  
Lauri Peterson

AbstractClimate change is a global crisis that requires countries to act on both domestic and international levels. This paper examines how climate policies in these two arenas are related and to what extent domestic and international climate ambitions are complementary or disparate. While scholarly work has begun to assess the variation in overall climate policy ambition, only a few studies to date have tried to explain whether internationally ambitious countries are ambitious at home and vice versa. According to the common view, countries that are more ambitious at home can also be expected to be more ambitious abroad. Many scholars, however, portray the relationship instead as disparate, whereby countries need to walk a tightrope between the demands of their domestic constituencies on the one hand and international pressures on the other, while preferring the former over the latter. This study uses quantitative methods and employs data from the OECD DAC dataset on climate finance to measure international climate ambitions. Overall, the present work makes two major contributions. First, it provides evidence that international climate financing ambition is complementary to domestic climate ambition. Second, the article identifies the conditional effect of domestic ambition—with regard to responsibility, vulnerability, carbon-intensive industry and economic capacity—on international climate ambition.


2007 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
FINN ROAR AUNE ◽  
SNORRE KVERNDOKK ◽  
LARS LINDHOLT ◽  
KNUT EINAR ROSENDAHL

Author(s):  
Adrian Muller

In this chapter, the author argues that the countries in the Global South can gain from stringent own climate policies. This is so, as in the current situation, the south tends to be dominated by the climate policies of northern countries and climate finance largely supports single projects and technology transfer that are not embedded in a broader policy framework in southern countries. Adopting own stringent policies could help to counteract this and to channel these financial means to their most beneficial use. This could help southern countries to follow an agenda that is different from the fossil fuel based development path of the north. Such a “green new deal” could be a promising economic and technological development strategy. Stringent climate policies would strengthen the southern countries in the international climate negotiations and southern countries could take the lead in the climate change mitigation debate. Technology transfer and the carbon finance sector would play a crucial role for this. Climate policy and climate finance could thus be used to set a new stage, where the south is not at a disadvantage with respect to the north.


elni Review ◽  
2012 ◽  
pp. 8-12
Author(s):  
Natascha Trennepohl

The use of market-based mechanisms as environmental policies to achieve greenhouse gas emissions reduction has been in place for some years and remains an attractive option in the international climate regime. This article intends to highlight basic elements of setting up an emission trading scheme and the corresponding framework in place in Brazil, considering that the country has signaled its intention to encourage the development of the Brazilian Emissions Reduction Market (MBRE). Hence, the structure of the article will be as follows: Initially, basic design elements of an emissions trading scheme are described. Following this, a general overview of the national policy on climate change in Brazil is presented, followed by references to the Brazilian Emissions Reduction Market (Mercado Brasileiro de Redução de Emissões - MBRE) and the recently established Standard for the Voluntary Carbon Market.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document