Invention of the Political Center as an Ideal: Staël and the Constitutional Monarchy (1789–1795)

Author(s):  
Chinatsu Takeda
Water ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (14) ◽  
pp. 1932
Author(s):  
Wenji Huang ◽  
Mingwang Xi ◽  
Shibao Lu ◽  
Farhad Taghizadeh-Hesary

In the long history of the feudal society of China, Kaifeng played a vital role. During the Northern Song Dynasty, Kaifeng became a worldwide metropolis. The important reason was that the Grand Canal, which was excavated during the Sui Dynasty, became the main transportation artery for the political and military center of the north and the economic center of the south. Furthermore, Kaifeng was located at the center of the Grand Canal, which made it the capital of the later Northern Song Dynasty. The Northern Song Dynasty was called “the canal-centered era.” The development of the canal caused a series of major changes in the society of the Northern Song Dynasty that were different from the previous ones, which directly led to the transportation revolution, and in turn, promoted the commercial revolution and the urbanization of Kaifeng. The development of commerce contributed to the agricultural and money revolutions. After the Northern Song Dynasty, the political center moved to the south. During the Yuan Dynasty, the excavation of the Grand Canal made it so that water transport did not have to pass through the Central Plains. The relocation of the political center and the change in the canal route made Kaifeng lose the value of connecting the north and south, resulting in the long-time fall of the Bianhe River. Kaifeng, which had prospered for more than 100 years, declined gradually, and by the end of the Qing Dynasty, it became a common town in the Central Plains. In ancient China, the rise and fall of cities and regions were closely related to the canal, and the relationship between Kaifeng and the Grand Canal was typical. The history may provide some inspiration for the increasingly severe urban and regional sustainable development issues in contemporary times.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 49-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Fábrega ◽  
Jorge González ◽  
Jaime Lindh

AbstractConsensus democracy among the main Chilean political forces ended abruptly after the 2013 presidential and parliamentary elections, the most polarized elections since the return to democracy in 1990. Relying on spatial voting theory to uncover latent ideological dimensions from survey data between 1990 and 2014, this study finds patterns of gradual polarization starting at least ten years before the collapse of consensus, based on an increasing demobilization of the political center that misaligned politicians from their political platforms (particularly in the center-left parties). That phenomenon changed the political support for the two main political coalitions and the intracoalition bargaining power of their various factions. The pattern also helps to explain the process behind the 2015 reform of the electoral system.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Moffat ◽  
sarah klassen ◽  
Tiago Attorre ◽  
Damian Evans ◽  
Terry Lustig ◽  
...  

Ground penetrating radar, probing, and excavation were used to create a contour map of the topography of a buried laterite pavement forming the spillway of a large abandoned reservoir at the Angkorian‐period city of Koh Ker in Cambodia. Calculations of the flow velocity of water through the spillway, based on the topography of the laterite surface, demonstrate that this outlet was even less adequate for passing the flow of water from the Stung Rongea catchment than had been estimated previously by Lustig, Klassen, Evans, French, & Moffat (2018). We argue that this design flaw contributed substantially to the failure of the reservoir’s dike, possibly during the first rainy season after construction, which may have contributed to Koh Ker’s remarkably short‐lived tenure as the political center of the Khmer Empire.


2017 ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Beatriz Rendón-Aguilar ◽  
Graciela González Soto ◽  
María Isabel Oble-Delgadillo ◽  
Virginia Ojeda-Cornejo ◽  
Rosa Elvira Parra-Padilla ◽  
...  

This research had the next objectives: 1] to describe the floristic composition of the orchards where T. bicolor is growing on, in the municipio of Ayutla de los Libres, Guerrero; 2] to describe ethnobotanical aspects related with the uses of T. bicolor and 3] to report the presence of T. bicolor in the state of Guerrero, specifically in the municipio of Ayutla de los Libres. Nine orchards located in different communities and associated to different ethnical composition were sampled. Number of species per sampled area, number of individuals per species and relative density of each species were obtaind. Description of uses of T. bicolor was obtained through interviews applied to farmers (mestizos and indigenous). Species richness, kind of species and relative density show high heterogenity among orchards. Those near the cabecera municipal show variable floristic composition and relative densities of man y fruit species and cuapataxtle are high. Orchards far from the cabecera municipal also show variable floristic composition but relative densities of almost all the species present there are low. The conclusion is that the variability in floristic composition, as well as the differences in relative densities of many species reflect the idea of traditional management, location of orchards respect to the political center of Ayutla and the importance of nearness to places of commercial activity.


Author(s):  
Sergey Sergushkin

The article focuses on the role of A. E. Evert, the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Western Front, in the events of the February Revolution. Russia's top military leadership took a consolidated position on the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II from the throne, but the unity regarding the fate of the Empire's future was only an appearance. This is made clear through a detailed examination of the decisions made by Evert during the last crucial days for the Russian Empire and of his motives. The author pays particular attention to the period after the emperor’s abdication when, in the political vacuum, the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Western Front changed his line of conduct and proposed the bold project of transferring the country's real political power under military control. The methodological basis of this study is the principles of historicism, systematicity and scientific objectivity, while also using the comparative and historical-genetic methods.  Evert considered the constitutional monarchy with Mikhail Alexandrovich on the throne as a worthy alternative to the forceful suppression of the revolution in the rear, which cannot be said about his view on the Provisional Government and the prospect of elections to the Constituent Assembly during the war. In this regard, the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Western Front hoped, with the support of his colleagues, to impose his will on the rebellious capital. However, his project did not receive the necessary support, and his disloyalty to the Provisional Government led to his early resignation.


Author(s):  
Landon R. Y. Storrs

This chapter examines the connection between disloyalty charges and the shift toward the political center, or out of government service, by many public officials, which has been difficult to discern because of the silence that loyalty defendants maintained, even many years later. As they organized papers, gave interviews, and drafted memoirs, they typically avoided disclosing that they had been investigated and downplayed the leftism that had put them in the line of fire. Leon and Mary Dublin Keyserling were not the only former loyalty defendants to offer accounts that were distorted by an accumulation of omissions; they are not to blame for trying to protect themselves and their associates from further persecution. In addition to impeding progressive reform, policymakers' traumatic encounters with the federal employee loyalty program impoverished the primary sources on which scholars have relied to understand mid-twentieth-century American politics.


PMLA ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 119 (5) ◽  
pp. 1264-1278
Author(s):  
Susan Cannon Harris

This essay investigates the conditions and consequences of Thomas Sheridan's attempt to bar spectators from behind the scenes at the Theatre-Royal in Dublin's Smock Alley. Sheridan succeeded in revoking the “freedom of the scenes”—a privilege by which aristocratic men were allowed to roam the green room, dressing rooms, and stage during the performance—because Dublin was the cultural and political center of a colonial society whose members were struggling for control over the spaces outside the theater. The reform provoked a conflict known as the Kelly riots, which began with a spectator's attempted rape of an actress in Sheridan's production of John Vanbrugh's Aesop. Contextualizing the Kelly riots in the political and cultural situation of eighteenth-century Ireland, this article illuminates the role that the theater plays in the construction of subjectivity and in the interrelation among gender, class, and national identities.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Tromly

Chapter 4 addresses the origins of the CIA project to create a Russian political center abroad. The chapter argues that transnational flows of ideas and historical memories were important for a major CIA psychological warfare project. George F. Kennan and other policymakers involved in the project were driven by a romantic attachment to Russian history and the conviction that exiles were potent weapons for psychological warfare against the USSR. Accordingly, plans for the political center—its political complexion and structure—emerged from the interactions of influential Americans and Russian émigrés. The dependence of US psychological-warfare projects on exile politics would prove dysfunctional, as the OPC planners read the state of Russian opinion in the USSR through the distorting lens of exile anti-communism.


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