Platform as a Social Contract: An Analytical Framework for Studying Social Dynamics in Online Platforms

Author(s):  
Joni Salminen ◽  
Nicolas Gach ◽  
Valtteri Kaartemo
2004 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 597-626 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen Deagan

Despite the fact that the Taíno people of the Caribbean were the first Native Americans to encounter and coexist with Europeans after 1492, there has been almost no archaeology of Taíno response to that encounter. This study explores the reasons for (and consequences of) this neglect, and their larger implications for American contact-period archaeology. It also challenges prevailing historical models of Taíno social disintegration, drawing upon six years of archaeological work at the En Bas Saline site in Haiti, the only extensively excavated Taíno townsite occupied both before and after contact. Our results, organized by a household-scale analytical framework emphasizing Taíno constructions of gender and class, suggest that there were few major alterations to traditional Taíno social practice during the post-contact period, and most of these were related to activities thought to have been the domain of non-elite Taíno men. It is suggested that the relatively nonspecialized gender roles among the Taíno, as well as the clearly differentiated nature of their social classes, may have served as mitigating factors in the disruption of Taíno cultural practice under Spanish domination. This work also reveals a marked Taíno resistance to the incorporation of European cultural elements, which provides a striking contrast to the Spanish patterns documented in contact-era European towns, and underscores the critical importance of incorporating gender relations into studies of culture contact.


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-68
Author(s):  
Ognyan Seizov

The field of political communication has long cast its eye on the Internet and beyond its traditional US-American focus. Nevertheless, research into the Web's full palette of expression means as well as across a wider, non-Western territory, remains modest. This paper analyzes how five major Bulgarian political parties presented themselves on the Web in one of the most heated and controversial elections since the fall of the totalitarian regime in 1989/1990. To shine a light on Bulgarian political communication, the paper takes the October 2014 parliamentary election campaign in Bulgaria, which took place amid unprecedented society-wide discontent and tension. It takes a close look at five major parties' online platforms. It applies a multimodal content-analytical framework to a total of N=64 webpages. Distinct visual, textual, and multimodal persuasive strategies flesh out, and their relationships to each party's background and poll performance are explored.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (120) ◽  
pp. 103-124
Author(s):  
Carsten Stage

The article investigates how new forms of illness communication online are challenging the famous ’sick role’ described by Talcott Parsons in favour of more activist, participatory and entrepreneurial illness voices. The article more specifically makes a case study of online platforms made by the English blogger Stephen Sutton and it discusses his extremely positive and spirited way of handling a life threatening cancer disease, which resulted in the crowdfunding of almost five million GBP for the Teenage Cancer Trust. The concepts of ’biological citizenship’ from Nikolas Rose and ’affective labor’ from Michael Hardt are used to establish an analytical framework able to grasp the dilemmas related to the case and to the rising tendency of intertwining intimate pathographies with social, economical or political projects. These concepts are chosen because they allow the researcher to affirm the positive discursive, affective and economical consequences of Sutton’s work, while also reflecting on the way the maintenance of vitality, happiness and hope, as key components of contemporary biopolitics, are possibly affecting and transforming current illness practices.


2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jize Jiang ◽  
Edna Erez

Despite little evidence of an immigration-crime nexus, many American jurisdictions have adopted a punitive approach to undocumented immigrants and an increasingly restrictive and exclusive system of immigration control. The extensive deployment of criminal justice measures to address the immigration “problem” led to the growth of a crimmigration apparatus—a mesh of immigration and criminal justice systems. Drawing on extant literature and applying the framework of the penal field, the article examines the social dynamics, processes, and consequences of crimmigration. It is argued that the portrayal of immigrants as “symbolic assailants” has facilitated the creation and operation of crimmigration under the guise of crime prevention rather than for addressing terrorism and national security—the presumed purpose of utilizing crimmigration practices. The current configuration of crimmigration across the United States is the interactive product of minority threat, partisan politics, and federalism of the American government system, which have jointly formed a “multilayered patchwork” of immigration control. The article first outlines the analytical framework; reviews the social construction of immigrant “criminality”; and describes the punitive and exclusive laws, policies, and enforcement practices established as responses to this “threat.” The dilemmas, contradictions, and contestations associated with crimmigration, including collateral impacts on immigrants, their families and communities, and the criminal justice system, are analyzed; and policy implications are drawn and discussed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 448-499
Author(s):  
Inge Graef

Abstract Differentiated treatment is a key focus in current competition investigations of the European Commission and national competition authorities, ranging from more prominent placement of one's own services in a ranking to preferential access to data and the favouring of businesses that pay higher levels of commission. Based on their exclusionary and/or exploitative character, the paper distinguishes three types of differentiated treatment on online platforms in order to provide an analytical framework for assessing the extent to which such practices are abusive under Article 102 TFEU, namely: pure self-preferencing, pure secondary line differentiation and hybrid differentiation. The paper points out that the main area where EU competition law currently does not offer effective protection is in the most far-reaching situation where a business is blocked from a platform without legitimate justification. To address harm in such cases, the paper suggests giving a stronger role to economic dependence both within and outside EU competition law and explores possible measures building upon the Platform-to-Business (P2B) Regulation as well as the notion of fairness of platform-to-business relations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-53
Author(s):  
Weijun Lai ◽  
Huafang Ding

Abstract The promulgation of Chinese Charity Law in March 2016 was expected to break the long-term monopoly of governmental charities in public fundraising in China. However, governments’ regulating practices on fundraising seem to be still quite ambivalent during the post-legislation era, indicating endogenous contradictions of the Charity Law. In order to explore the legislative logic of Chinese Charity Law on public fundraising regulation, this paper, employing an analytical framework of state-society relations, historically examines all relevant laws and policies of China that deal with the fundraising regulation issue since the reform and opening-up. It is revealed that a “control thinking” of the Chinese state towards civic fundraising has been dominating the field all the way, and that the recent loosening of state control was compelled by bottom-up social dynamics. The paper argues that, under the constant influence of state control thinking, the institutional adjustments of Chinese Charity Law on opening spaces for civic fundraising tend to be quite passive and endogenously contradictory, leading to both validity and limitations of the law in practice.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 205395172110356
Author(s):  
Coleen Carrigan ◽  
Madison W Green ◽  
Abibat Rahman-Davies

The social impacts of computer technology are often glorified in public discourse, but there is growing concern about its actual effects on society. In this article, we ask: how does “consent” as an analytical framework make visible the social dynamics and power relations in the capture, extraction, and labor of data science knowledge production? We hypothesize that a form of boundary violation in data science workplaces—gender harassment—may correlate with the ways humans’ lived experiences are extracted to produce Big Data. The concept of consent offers a useful way to draw comparisons between gender relations in data science and the means by which machines are trained to learn and reason. Inspired by how Big Tech leaders describe unsupervised machine learning, and the co-optation of “revolutionary” rhetoric they use to do so, we introduce a concept we call “techniques of invisibility.” Techniques of invisibility are the ways in which an extreme imbalance between exposure and opacity, demarcated along fault lines of power, are fabricated and maintained, closing down the possibility for bidirectional transparency in the production and applications of algorithms. Further, techniques of invisibility, which we group into two categories—epistemic injustice and the Brotherhood—include acts of subjection by powerful actors in data science designed to quell resistance to exploitative relations. These techniques may be useful in making further connections between epistemic violence, sexism, and surveillance, sussing out persistent boundary violations in data science to render the social in data science visible, and open to scrutiny and debate.


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