History of Antarctic Territorial Claims and Spatial Contestation

Author(s):  
Jeffrey McGee ◽  
David Edmiston ◽  
Marcus Haward
2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 258-269
Author(s):  
Camila Pérez ◽  
Giuseppina Marsico

Indigenous territorial claims are a long-standing concern in the history of Latin America. Land and nature have profound meaning in indigenous thinking, which is neither totally understood nor legitimized by the rest of society. This article is aimed at shedding light on this matter by examining the meanings at stake in the territorial claims of the Mapuche people. The Mapuche are an indigenous group in Chile, who are striving to recover their ancestral land. This analysis will be based on the concept of Umwelt, coined by von Uexküll to refer to the way in which species interpret their world in connection with the meaning-making process. Considering the applications of Umwelt to the human being, the significance assigned to land and nature by the Mapuche people emerges as a system of meaning that persists over time and promotes interdependence between people and the environment. On the other hand, the territorial claim of the Mapuche movement challenges the fragmentation between individuals and their space, echoing proposals from human geography that emphasize the role of people in the constitution of places.


Sederi ◽  
2014 ◽  
pp. 47-68
Author(s):  
Colm MacCrossan

This article examines the textual framing of a cluster of items in Richard Hakluyt’s The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (1598-1600) relating to the area on the Pacific coast of North America that Francis Drake named “Nova Albion.” Contextualised in relation to the colonial programmes of Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Sir Walter Ralegh, it explores how a variety of editorial techniques combine to encourage a particular understanding of the history of exploration in this region that privileges English territorial claims over those of Spain. What is revealed is a delicate negotiation of the tensions raised by Hakluyt’s use of pre-existing, mainly non-English materials to attempt to legitimise Drake’s actions by aligning them with the Spanish conquistadorial tradition, while at the same time down-playing the extent and significance of previous Spanish activity in that region.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135
Author(s):  
Yinan Li

In 2009, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR and President of Georgia E.A. Shevardnadze published his memoirs in Russian, which contain an “explosive” plot: while visiting China in February 1989, during his meeting with Deng Xiaoping, a lengthy dispute over border and territorial issues occurred. At that time, Deng allegedly expressed his point of view that vast lands of the Soviet Union, from three to four million square kilometers, belonged to China. Chinese can wait patiently until someday the lands return to China. This content is cited in scientific works by many historians from different countries as an argument. However, there is no other evidence which can prove this recollection. Many details in it contradict the well known historical facts or are completely illogical. There is a good reason to believe that the plot in the memoirs of Shevardnadze is an incorrect recollection. It could even be considered as a made-up story. Moreover, it is possible that it was fabricated for some reasons. Hence, the plot is not worthy of being quoted as a reliable source. At the Sino-Soviet summit Deng Xiaoping did have expressed the point of view that in the past Russia and then the Soviet Union cut off millions of square kilometers of land from China, but at the same time he promised the leader of the Soviet Union that China would not make territorial claims. Since the mid-1980s Deng Xiaoping actively promoted the settlement of the Sino-Soviet border issues through negotiations, which led to the result that 99% of the border between Russia and China was delimited on a legal basis in the last years of his life. At present, the problems of the Sino-Russian border have been finally resolved long ago. There is no doubt that the scientific research and discussions on issues related to territory and borders in the history of Sino-Soviet relations can be made. However, such research and discussions should be based on reliable sources.


2019 ◽  
Vol 95 (5) ◽  
pp. 1055-1073 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry J. Ryan

Abstract This article details the evolution of maritime security from the perspective of its impact on the historical architecture of sea space. It argues that, as the fundamental unit of governance, zoning provides keen insight into the mechanics of maritime security. The article observes that Britain's Hovering Acts in the late eighteenth century represent the earliest example of modern zonation at sea and that they exhibit a shift from early modern territorial claims based on imperium and dominium. The article explores the way these hovering zones shaped the rationale underlying contemporary maritime security. It finds that maritime security has effectively relegated national security to a minor spatial belt of state power, while elevating non-traditional understandings of security to the level of global existential threat. The future of maritime security is under construction. Increasingly segmented by interconnecting, overlapping, multi-functional zones that seek to regulate all free movement and usage of the sea, security developments are reorganizing the maritime sphere. Nonetheless, the article argues, despite the novelty of this development, a historical military logic persists in new formations of security-oriented practices of maritime governance.


2021 ◽  
pp. 10-34
Author(s):  
Benjamin Hoy

This chapter traces the creation of the Canada–US border from the American Revolution until the beginning of the Civil War. It outlines the international agreements signed by European nations—the Treaty of Paris (1783), Treaty of 1818, Anglo-Russian Treaty (1825), and the Oregon Treaty (1846)—which established British, American, and Russian territorial claims on paper. By comparing this administrative history of the border to the stories of Tom Mutceheu (Cree), Feather (Assiniboine-Soto), and Joe Louie (Coast Salish), the chapter emphasizes the diverse ways that Indigenous people and colonial powers conceptualized and enforced territorial divisions. Finally, it looks at how violence, dispute, and the boundary survey process shaped how both countries approached their national boundaries and their relationships with Indigenous people.


Author(s):  
Jeffrey Alan Jr. Erbig

During the late eighteenth century, Portugal and Spain sent joint mapping expeditions to draw a nearly 10,000-mile border between Brazil and Spanish South America. These boundary commissions were the largest ever sent to the Americas and coincided with broader imperial reforms enacted throughout the hemisphere. Where Caciques and Mapmakers Met considers what these efforts meant to Indigenous peoples whose lands the border crossed. Moving beyond common frameworks that assess mapped borders strictly via colonial law or Native sovereignty, it examines the interplay between imperial and Indigenous spatial imaginaries. What results is an intricate spatial history of border making in southeastern South America (present-day Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay) with global implications. Drawing upon manuscripts from over two dozen archives in seven countries, Jeffrey Erbig traces on-the-ground interactions between Ibero-American colonists, Jesuit and Guaraní mission-dwellers, and autonomous Indigenous peoples as they responded to ever-changing notions of territorial possession. It reveals that Native agents shaped when and where the border was drawn, and fused it to their own territorial claims. While mapmakers' assertions of Indigenous disappearance or subjugation shaped historiographical imaginaries thereafter, Erbig reveals that the formation of a border was contingent upon Native engagement and authority.


Author(s):  
Valery Sanzharov ◽  
◽  
Galina Sanzharova ◽  

Introduction. According to the latest research, the managerial genius of Henry V was most fully manifested in the military, financial and diplomatic fields. The authors analyze in detail the royal diplomacy, which has not been the subject of special study. Diplomacy is analyzed as a space of political communication. Methods and materials. The basic methods of historical analysis were used to work with the material. The sources used in the work are diplomatic documents (treaties, “memorandums”, instructions to ambassadors and their correspondence with monarchs, decisions of royal councils, discussion of the course and results of negotiations in parliament) and chronicles. In historiography, the problem is traditionally considered within the framework of works devoted to the personality of Henry V or the history of the Hundred Years War. Analysis. The article analyzes three phases and three components of English diplomatic policy from the coming of Henry V of Lancaster to power to his invasion of Normandy: 1) negotiations with both sides of the intra-French conflict in order to prevent their reconciliation. 2) the territorial claims of Henry V in France (territory in exchange for giving up the “rights” of inheritance). 3) diplomatic activity as a disguise of preparation for war (territory in exchange for peace). Results. The authors concluded that the English in the years 1413–1415 are moving from military mercenarism on the side of one of the warring groups in the intra-French conflict to declaring themselves as one of the parties to the struggle for power in France with their rights and claims. The diplomacy of the English crown pursued the intentions of 1) demonstrating the impossibility of achieving the claims of the royal house of England on the continent peacefully; 2) maintaining schism and confrontation within the highest French nobility; 3) ensuring international recognition of the English monarch’s right to intervene in the intra-French conflict.


2021 ◽  
pp. 365-384
Author(s):  
K. B. Korzhenevsky

Based on a wide range of attracted archival materials, the problems of establishing the border line between the Siberian Territory and the Ural Region in the mid-1920s are examined in the article. The main controversial issues, which consisted in the discussion about the belonging of a part of the Tobolsk North and the Ishim District, which were part of the beginning of zoning in the Ural region are revealed. Attention is paid to the history of the emergence of border disputes that appeared as a result of the attribution of a number of West Siberian territories from the jurisdiction of Sibrevkom to the Urals in the early 1920s. A detailed description of the process of determining the western border of the Siberian Territory is given by the leadership of the Sibrevkom, as well as by the higher authorities of the RSFSR in close cooperation with the Ural and Siberian authorities. Various arguments of the Siberians, the Urals and the central authorities, used in the process of delimiting and resolving disputes between Siberia and the Urals, which make it possible to more objectively determine the legality of the established demarcation line are presented. It is concluded that the territorial claims of the Siberian leadership to the Ural authorities were justified and relied on the undefined status of the disputed sections of the border, which arose as a result of the temporary abandonment of the territory of the former Tyumen province by the central government as part of the Ural region formed in November 1923.


2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan Centner

Drawing from interviews and fieldwork with former dot–com workers in San Francisco, this article examines how their spatialized consumption practices formed exclusionary places of privilege during the city's millennial boom of internet companies. I focus especially on the personalized deployment of uneven social power in situations where space is at stake. After considering how this group differed from a history of other urban newcomers, I develop a framework for addressing their spatial effects as gentrification involving privileged consumption practices that surpass residential encroachments. I argue there is an exertion of spatial capital that represents the misrecognition of territorial claims, enabling this cohort to literally take place. I show this through several consumption practices that convert to and from economic, cultural, and social capital. A concluding discussion reflects on the usefulness of this case and framework for reinvigorating key urban–sociological analytics while confronting influential but unsociological characterizations of contemporary city life.


2020 ◽  
pp. 18-41
Author(s):  
L. Grishaeva

The author writes about the inadmissibility of revising the main results of the Second World War, the consequences of which are really felt in the 21st century. On the role of the USSR in the Victory in World War II. About the factual non-recognition by Japan of the results of World War II. About the reasons for the lack of a peace treaty between Russia and Japan so far. On the existence of territorial contradictions between our states. On linking Japan with the problem of concluding a peace treaty with territorial claims against Russia. On opposing views on the history of the conclusion, observance and annulment of the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact of 1941. On attempts to blame the USSR for the ''unlawful'' entry into the war against Japan in 1945. Why is this happening, why Japan never attacked the USSR during the Second World War, what are the results of the war and what are their consequences, this article is devoted to the consideration of these fundamentally important issues.


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