scholarly journals Taking the Self out of Self-Rule

2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Garnett
Keyword(s):  
The Self ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louis B. Sohn

The concept of “autonomy” and the related concepts of “self-rule” and “self-government” are terms of both constitutional law and international law. While they are of ancient origin, their current importance is due to their use in the Camp David Agreement relating to a Framework for Peace in the Middle East, of 17 September 1978. That agreement speaks of: providing “full autonomy to the inhabitants” of West Bank and Gaza; a free election of a “self-governing authority”; giving due consideration to “the principle of self-government by the inhabitants of these territories”; establishing “the elected self-governing authority” in the West Bank and Gaza; negotiating an agreement which will define the powers and responsibilities of “the self-governing authority” to be exercised in the West Bank and Gaza; and beginning the transitional period of five years when “the self-governing authority (administrative council) in the West Bank and Gaza is established and inaugurated.”


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Wood

Greenland is a sub-national jurisdiction of the Kingdom of Denmark, yet holds a special position within due to the Self-Rule Act of 2009. For decades, Greenlandic politicians have clamored for independence in various ways. This article explores through an International Relations Theory lens as to the schools and modes of IR that Greenland has used in the past in order to predict how an independent Greenland may act in the future. By exploring these theories, the paper shines light on which theories and strategies may be best for Greenlanders.


Author(s):  
Ryan Patrick Hanley

Chapter 4 examines Fenelon’s ideas on statesmanship. Focusing on his views on the relationship of moral virtue to political virtue, it emphasizes his core teaching that good governance of others begins with good government of the self. Yet the self-rule and self-control that Fénelon asks of political leaders is distinct from the renunciation and “annihilation” of the self central to his spirituality of pure love. Good rulers, he argues, need to cultivate both mastery of pernicious pleasures and openness to true pleasures, as each disposition has a crucial political function. To show this, the chapter begins with Fénelon’s distinction between true pleasure and false pleasure, and then shows how this distinction shapes his lessons on how a ruler ought to be disposed toward ministers and counselors. The chapter concludes by examining Fénelon’s understanding of the practical political institutions most necessary for justice in the state.


Polar Record ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Minori Takahashi

Abstract In past discussions regarding development (of non-living resources) and indigenous people, a strong tendency existed to understand the act of development as a one-way impact from an outside society. This was often labelled as “environmental racism” and interpreted as a form of ethnic discrimination deeply intertwined with environmental issues. However, this view contained an element of confirmation bias regarding development and indigenous people. For example, it has been reported that in Alaska and elsewhere, indigenous people have taken initiative in developing non-living resources, making it clear that indigenous people are not necessarily passive subjects on whom development is unilaterally imposed. In this paper, after examining recent trends in the development of non-living resources, I shall take up the development of such resources in Greenland with the goal of sorting out and extrapolating the main arguments in the debate, especially within the self-rule government, regarding how the wealth obtained through the development of non-living resources should be enjoyed, while focusing on the notion of sustainable development and taking into consideration previous studies from the field of political science.


1996 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-81
Author(s):  
Benny Morris

The assassination of Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin, a spate of bombings in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, the refusal of Syrian President Hafiz al-Asad to play ball in the peace process, and a change of heart among Israel's new Russian immigrants all contributed to the election in May 1996 of the most right-wing government in Israel's history, led by Likud hard-liner Benjamin Netanyahu. Among the likely consequences the author explores are the virtual freezing of the peace process, the rise of Palestinian frustration with the ensuing lack of progress, a resumption of anti-Israeli violence in the self-rule areas and in Israel, and increased pressure from Hizballah on Israeli forces in southern Lebanon.


2012 ◽  
Vol 106 (4) ◽  
pp. 867-882 ◽  
Author(s):  
ARASH ABIZADEH

Cultural–nationalist and democratic theory both seek to legitimize political power via collective self-rule: Their principle of legitimacy refers right back to the very persons over whom political power is exercised. But such self-referential theories are incapable of jointly solving the distinct problems of legitimacy and boundaries, which they necessarily combine, once it is assumed that the self-ruling collectivity must be a prepolitical, in principle bounded, ground of legitimacy. Cultural nationalism claims that political power is legitimate insofar as it expresses the nation's prepolitical culture, but it cannot fix cultural–national boundaries prepolitically. Hence the collapse into ethnic nationalism. Traditional democratic theory claims that political power is ultimately legitimized prepolitically, but cannot itself legitimize the boundaries of the people. Hence the collapse into cultural nationalism. Only once we recognize that the demos is in principle unbounded, and abandon the quest for a prepolitical ground of legitimacy, can democratic theory fully avoid this collapse of demos into nation into ethnos. But such a theory departs radically from traditional theory.


Author(s):  
Robert Bonner

The author identifies democratic nationalism as a common theme of state making in Canada, Mexico, and the United States in the mid-nineteenth century. The essay focuses on public architecture and commemoration in the capital cities of Ottawa, Washington, DC, and Mexico City, largely as conveyed in illustrated news. Midcentury illustrations of “Leviathan 2.0” repeatedly assert that power was wielded on behalf of the people. Bonner argues further that illustrated print journalism’s focus on “parliamentary procedure, staged as a matter of federative give-and-take,” balanced and distracted from “the physical force on which the ‘self-rule’ of territorial nation-states depended.”


2011 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-89
Author(s):  
Daniel R. Davenport

Throughout the course of Plato’s Statesman, an Eleatic Stranger makes several suggestions about what a statesman is. The Stranger refers to one of those suggestions, made at 276e, as ‘likely’ providing an ‘outline’ of the statesman. While that outline might not ultimately indicate what a statesman is, it points to some understanding of what it means to inquire into the being of a statesman. Foremost, the outline indicates that the statesman must be understood as a ruler of some kind. Moreover, the statesman is a ruler whose focus should be on the people of the polis and so he must understand something of human nature. However, the statesman is also shaped by the tension created from the way in which rule itself belittles that nature, obscuring if not inhibiting the self-rule that is naturally or ideally human. The outline also acknowledges the reciprocal tendency of people to sacrifice their own self-rule, a tendency that makes ruling both more possible and more problematic.


2000 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 503-530 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard S. Ruderman ◽  
R. Kenneth Godwin

Liberalism has always had a powerful concern with the education of its citizens. But who should exercise final authority over the education—parents or the state? The answer rests, in large part, on our understanding of the character of the self-rule or autonomy to be taught. For as “autonomy” comes to mean unpredetermined “choice,” it becomes ever more difficult to justify parental control of education. In fact, parental control, supported by the earliest liberals, is now thought to produce “ethical servility.” Liberal theorists—such as John Dewey, Amy Gutmann, and Eamonn Callan—break with thinkers like Locke and Mill in allowing the state to override parental preferences in the name of greater equality, preparation for autonomy, and democratic deliberation. We argue that taking educational authority away from parents and giving it to the state is anilliberalpolicy, meaning one that fails to abide by Locke's central distinction of political and parental power. This failure will lead both to greater ethical servility and to fewer reasonable alternatives from which autonomous individuals can choose.


Legal Theory ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heidi Malm

Among Joel Feinberg's almost innumerable achievements are his development and defense of the sovereign-right conception of autonomy and its corresponding rejection of hard legal paternalism. According to Feinberg, a competent individual's voluntary, self-regarding conduct falls within the protected realm of sovereign self-rule and is therefore immune from coercive, paternalistic interference by the state. It does not matter whether the self-harm the state wants to prevent is big or the coercion needed to prevent it is small. The coercive interference would be illegitimate because “sovereignty is an all or nothing concept; one is entitled to absolute control of whatever is within one's domain however trivial it may be.”


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