scholarly journals Sexual Harassment and Candidate Evaluation: Gender and Partisanship Interact to Affect Voter Responses to Candidates Accused of Harassment

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalie Masuoka ◽  
Christian Grose ◽  
Jane Junn
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Harassment ◽  
Experimental Evidence ◽  
Systematic Variation ◽  
Supporting Evidence ◽  
Candidate Evaluation ◽  
Negative Valence ◽  
Survey Experiments ◽  
Voter Groups

AbstractPublic airing of incidents of sexual harassment have moved abuse from the shadows to the light, spurring mass response in the form of #MeToo and “Time’s Up.” While sexual harassment holds negative valence, election outcomes suggest that not all voters punish leaders accused of harassment. We argue there is systematic variation in how voters respond to candidates accused of harassment because evaluations are made within the context of both partisanship and the gendered issue of sexual harassment. As a result, we expect to find distinct responses across four voter groups—Democratic women and men, and Republican women and men on the specific issue of harassment. We present supporting evidence from two survey experiments and a third associational study to show that Democratic women are most likely to electorally punish sexual harassers. Experimental evidence also shows that Republican men are least likely to electorally punish candidates accused of harassment.

Competing for Loyalists? How Party Positioning Affects Populist Radical Right Voting

2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402199716
Author(s):  
Winston Chou ◽  
Rafaela Dancygier ◽  
Naoki Egami ◽  
Amaney A. Jamal
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Evidence ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Immigration Policies ◽  
Populist Radical Right ◽  
Alternative Für Deutschland ◽  
Party Loyalty ◽  
The Status ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
Voter Groups

As populist radical right parties muster increasing support in many democracies, an important question is how mainstream parties can recapture their voters. Focusing on Germany, we present original panel evidence that voters supporting the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD)—the country’s largest populist radical right party—resemble partisan loyalists with entrenched anti-establishment views, seemingly beyond recapture by mainstream parties. Yet this loyalty does not only reflect anti-establishment voting, but also gridlocked party-issue positioning. Despite descriptive evidence of strong party loyalty, experimental evidence reveals that many AfD voters change allegiances when mainstream parties accommodate their preferences. However, for most parties this repositioning is extremely costly. While mainstream parties can attract populist radical right voters via restrictive immigration policies, they alienate their own voters in doing so. Examining position shifts across issue dimensions, parties, and voter groups, our research demonstrates that, absent significant changes in issue preferences or salience, the status quo is an equilibrium.

scholarly journals When Will People Pay to Pollute? Environmental Taxes, Political Trust and Experimental Evidence from Britain

2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 661-682 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malcolm Fairbrother
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Experimental Evidence ◽  
Environmental Protection ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
Environmental Taxes ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
Survey Experiments ◽  
Political Distrust ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
The Relationship

This article presents results from survey experiments investigating conditions under which Britons are willing to pay taxes on polluting activities. People are no more willing if revenues are hypothecated for spending on environmental protection, while making such taxes more relevant to people – by naming petrol and electricity as products to which they will apply – has a modestly negative effect. Public willingness increases sharply if people are told that new environmental taxes would be offset by cuts to other taxes, but political distrust appears to undermine much of this effect. Previous studies have argued that political trust shapes public opinion with respect to environmental and many other policies. But this article provides the first experimental evidence suggesting that the relationship is causal, at least for one specific facet: cynicism about public officials’ honesty and integrity. The results suggest a need to make confidence in the trustworthiness of public officials and their promises more central to conceptualizations of political trust.

Experimental Evidence on the Relationship Between Candidate Funding Sources and Voter Evaluations

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Conor M. Dowling ◽  
Michael G. Miller
Keyword(s):  
Private Sector ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Experimental Evidence ◽  
Campaign Finance ◽  
Campaign Strategy ◽  
Funding Sources ◽  
Policy Debates ◽  
Survey Experiments ◽  
American Elections ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractMoney comes from a variety of sources in American elections. It is unclear however whether voters’ knowledge about a candidate's funding portfolio influences how that candidate is evaluated. We present the results of two survey experiments in which we randomly assigned the composition of donors from various categories to a hypothetical candidate. We find that on average a candidate described as having received a majority of his contributions from individuals is evaluated more highly than one who received a majority of his contributions from interest groups. We also find that when it comes to self-financing a campaign, using private sector money is more beneficial to candidates than using inherited money, but only when the candidate is a member of the same party as the voter. Our results have implications for campaign strategy, academic debates concerning the effect of money on elections, and policy debates concerning the effects of increased campaign finance disclosure.

scholarly journals The Revival of Charisma: Experimental Evidence From Argentina and Venezuela

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (5) ◽  
pp. 687-719 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caitlin Andrews-Lee
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Evidence ◽  
Party System ◽  
System Development ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Survey Experiments

Scholars have long claimed that political movements founded by charismatic leaders must undergo “routinization,” or depersonalization, to survive. Yet many such movements appear to have sustained their charismatic nature and have persisted or reemerged in cases as diverse as Argentina, Venezuela, Peru, Turkey, and China. Focusing on Argentine Peronism and Venezuelan Chavismo, this article examines the potential of new leaders to revive their charismatic predecessors’ legacies to perpetuate the movement and gain the followers’ support. Through face-to-face survey experiments conducted in both countries, the article shows that new leaders who (a) implement bold, initially impressive policies and (b) symbolically tie themselves to the charismatic founder cause citizens to express stronger emotional attachments to the movement and garner political support. The results challenge the notion that charismatic movements are short-lived and underscore the potential of these movements to impact democratic politics and party-system development long after their founders disappear.

Undermining a Rival Party’s Issue Competence through Negative Campaigning: Experimental Evidence from the USA, Denmark, and Australia

2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172091616
Author(s):  
Henrik Bech Seeberg ◽  
Alessandro Nai
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Experimental Evidence ◽  
Policy Development ◽  
Crime Rate ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Issue Ownership ◽  
Negative Campaigning ◽  
The Us ◽  
Survey Experiments ◽  
The Usa

Much party communication encourages voters to lower issue-related evaluations of rival parties. Yet, studies of such influence are rare. Drawing on research on political parties’ negative campaigning, this article starts to fill this gap. We triangulate evidence from four survey experiments across six issues in Denmark, the US, and Australia, and show that a party’s negative campaigning decreases voters’ evaluations of the target party’s issue-handling competence (i.e. issue ownership), but does not backlash on voters’ evaluations of the sponsor. Such attack on the target party does not have to be tied to a negative policy development like the crime rate to undermine the target party’s competence evaluations. At the same time, a negative policy development only undermines a party’s evaluations when it is accompanied by a rival party’s negative campaigning attack. The implications for party competition and the mass-elite linkage are important.

scholarly journals THE “RALLY ’ROUND THE FLAG” EFFECT IN TERRITORIAL DISPUTES: EXPERIMENTAL EVIDENCE FROM JAPAN–CHINA RELATIONS

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 299-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tetsuro Kobayashi ◽  
Azusa Katagiri
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Experimental Evidence ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Territorial Disputes ◽  
National Defense ◽  
Survey Experiments ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Supreme Commander

AbstractThis study examines the impact of China's growing territorial ambitions on Japanese public opinion. By experimentally manipulating perceived territorial threats from China, we tested two potential mechanisms of increased support for a conservative incumbent leader in Japan. The first is the “rally ’round the flag” model, in which threats universally boost support for the leader through emotion. The second is the “reactive liberal” model, in which support from conservatives remains constant, but threatened liberals move toward supporting the conservative leader. Two survey experiments provided no support for the emotion-based “rally ’round the flag” model, but they lent support for the reactive liberal model in explaining the impact on Japanese public opinion. However, the second experiment indicated that priming with an image of the prime minister that highlights his role as the supreme commander of the national defense forces completely eliminated the gain in approval rates among liberals.

Open for Politics? Globalization, Economic Growth, and Responsibility Attribution

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-100
Author(s):  
Nathan M. Jensen ◽  
Guillermo Rosas
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Experimental Evidence ◽  
Economic Performance ◽  
Responsibility Attribution ◽  
Economic Openness ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Clarity Of Responsibility ◽  
Survey Experiments ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Impact

AbstractPrevious literature suggests that economic performance affects government approval asymmetrically, either because voters are quicker to blame incompetence than to credit ability (grievance asymmetry) or because they understand that the degree to which policy-makers can affect the economy varies depending on economic openness (clarity of responsibility asymmetry). We seek to understand whether these asymmetries coexist, arguing that these theories conjointly imply that globalization may have the capacity to mitigate blame for bad outcomes but should neither promote nor reduce credit to policy-makers for good economic outcomes. We look for evidence of these asymmetries in three survey experiments carried out in the USA and Canada in 2014 and 2015. We find ample experimental evidence in support of the grievance asymmetry, but our results are mixed on the impact of economic openness on blame mitigation, with some evidence of this phenomenon in the USA, but not in Canada.

scholarly journals Gradient auxiliary selection and impersonal passivization in German: an experimental investigation

2003 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
FRANK KELLER ◽  
ANTONELLA SORACE
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Investigation ◽  
Experimental Evidence ◽  
Native Speakers ◽  
Systematic Variation ◽  
Verb Classes ◽  
Passive Construction ◽  
Auxiliary Selection ◽  
Split Intransitivity ◽  
Selection Of

The main purpose of this paper is to provide experimental evidence that two syntactic reflexes of split intransitivity in German – the selection of perfective auxiliaries and the impersonal passive construction – are sensitive to an aspectual/thematic hierarchy of verb classes. We show that there is a split between ‘core’ verbs that elicit categorical intuitions from native speakers, and ‘intermediate’ verbs that exhibit gradience. Furthermore, crossdialectal differences between northern and southern German with respect to auxiliary selection tend to occur only with intermediate verbs. We argue that these findings lend support to the view that the unaccusative/unergative distinction is considerably more unstable than often assumed, and suggest that projectionist theories of the lexicon-syntax interface such as those directly derived from the Unaccusative Hypothesis may not be able to account for the systematic variation exhibited by the data.

Dispelling Illusions of Rigor

2019 ◽  
pp. 95-128
Author(s):  
Jeffrey A. Friedman
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
At Risk ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
National Security ◽  
Experimental Evidence ◽  
Probabilistic Reasoning ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Foreign Policy Analysis ◽  
Survey Experiments

This chapter explores the psychology of assessing uncertainty in international politics. It presents a series of survey experiments that test important concerns about the extent to which transparent probabilistic reasoning could potentially warp the quality of foreign policy analysis and decision making. The most important of these concerns is the idea that clear assessments of uncertainty create illusions of rigor that make leaders insensitive to risk. Contrary to this assertion, the chapter’s experimental evidence suggests that decision makers’ choices are sensitive to subtle variations in probabilistic reasoning, and that making this reasoning more transparent encourages decision makers to be more cautious when placing lives and resources at risk. These experiments involve hundreds of real national security professionals and thousands of non-elite respondents.

scholarly journals Leader Messaging and Attitudes toward Sexual Violence

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 237802311880861
Author(s):  
Chloe Grace Hart ◽  
Alison Dahl Crossley ◽  
Shelley J. Correll
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Assault ◽  
Sexual Harassment ◽  
Sexual Violence ◽  
National Survey ◽  
Survey Experiments ◽  
The Way

Research exploring sexual assault within universities and sexual harassment within companies has largely overlooked how leadership in organizations can shape constituents’ perceptions of sexual violence. This question has become particularly relevant as organizations are increasingly tasked with measuring and communicating about sexual violence. We use two national survey experiments to test how altering an organization’s communication of information about sexual assault or harassment affects participants’ agreement that it is a high-priority issue. In Study 1, we show that participants are strongly influenced by the way in which the leader interprets the problem of sexual violence at the organization and not by the placement of prevalence statistics in the statement. In Study 2, we identify the leader messages that are the most influential in shaping opinions about sexual assault and harassment. This research demonstrates the influence that leaders of organizations have in shaping narratives about sexual violence within them.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document