scholarly journals Broken Trust. Confidence Gaps and Distrust in Latin America

Author(s):  
Paolo Parra Saiani ◽  
Enrico Ivaldi ◽  
Andrea Ciacci ◽  
Lucia Di Stefano

AbstractLatin American societies show lower levels of political trust when compared to other regions of the world. The lack of trust in institutions can led to ineffective management of public affairs, social crises, lack of transparency, economic problems and even difficulties in countering pandemics. The objective of this work is to build an index (LADI) that provides a measure of the level of perceived distrust in the institutions of the different Latin American countries and its variations over the period from 2008 to 2018. The data used for this analysis are of a subjective nature and come from the series of surveys provided by Latinobarómetro. To develop the analysis, we have used a quantitative approach of a partially non-compensatory aggregative type, known as Adjusted Mazziotta and Pareto Index. The results show a generalized increase of distrust in the years 2017 and 2018 for several Latin American countries. On the other hand, in countries where the rule of law is more consolidated, a best perception of the functioning of democracy emerges.

2019 ◽  
pp. 86-102
Author(s):  
Susana Sueiro Seoane

This chapter analyzes Cultura Obrera (Labor Culture), published in New York City from 1911 to 1927. Pedro Esteve, the primary editor, gave expression to his ideas in this newspaper and while it represented Spanish firemen and marine workers, it reported on many other workers’ struggles in different parts of the world, for example, supporting and collecting funds for the Mexican revolutionary brothers Flores Magón. This newspaper, as all the anarchist press, was part of a transnational network and had a circulation not only in many parts of the United States but also in Latin American countries, including Argentina and Cuba, as well as on the other side of the Atlantic, in Spain and various European countries.


2020 ◽  
pp. 174387212097533
Author(s):  
Johan van der Walt

This short article on Peter Fitzpatrick’s conception of “responsive law” analyzes the ambiguous temporality that Fitzpatrick discerned in modern law. On the one hand, law makes the claim of being fully present and therefore already and completely contained in itself. This aspect of law reflects the law’s claim to “immanence,” that is, its claim of always being able to rely strictly on its own operational terms without having to take recourse to any consideration not already contained within itself. It is this aspect of law that renders the ideal of the “rule of law” feasible. On the other hand, the law’s claim to doing justice to every unique and therefore every new case also demands that it takes leave of that which is already settled within it. This aspect of law can be called its “imminence.” The imminence of the law concerns the reality that law always finds itself on the threshold of that which has not yet been said and must still be said. The article shows how Fitzpatrick relied on Freud’s concept of the totem to explain the “wondrous” unity of its immanence and imminence.


2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (04) ◽  
pp. 1574-1603
Author(s):  
César F. Rosado Marzán

Hoping to improve labor justice, some Latin American countries have reformed their labor courts without necessarily buttressing working-class power. Class power theories make us skeptical of these state-centric strategies for labor rights. Will the “rule-of-law” reforms work? This article reports ethnographic evidence collected by the author in the Chilean labor courts during 2009–2010, and secondary sources. It compares contemporary labor courts, reformed but in an otherwise “neoliberal” context, with the unreformed labor courts of the “socialist” years (1970–1972) to gauge the efficacy of rule-of-law reforms. Results show that despite the neoliberal context, the labor courts were more responsive to workers' claims than under socialism. Rule of law and procedural rules matter for effective labor rights.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 00003
Author(s):  
Arasy Pradana A

The proclamation of Indonesian independence on August 17, 1945, marked Indonesia's transition from being a nation as an imaginary community to being a state as a legal-rational community. For the first time, the Indonesian have the authority to form the rule of law independently, apart from the intervention of the colonial nation. The fierce spirit of anti-colonialism was immediately reflected in various legislative products, including the 1945 Constitution. The opening part of the 1945 Constitution, which is often regarded as the highest source of value in the Indonesian legal system, reflects a thick post-colonial spirit. During the colonial period, the legal system was built on hegemony, by placing indigenous people as The Other in their own homeland. They are labelled as third-class identities, under other national groups. This mentality is then tried to be reversed after independence. The values of independence, perpetual peace, and social justice are presented clearly into the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution. The Preamble of the 1945 Constitution inherited the anti-colonial spirit and immediately became a manifesto of resistance to colonial domination. However, the process of value petrifaction of the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution should not be considered as complete when that text was announced. The real challenge actually happened today, decades after Indonesia's independence. The injustice and hegemony relation that still occurs throughout the world ideally awakens the Indonesian to continue to contextualize anti-colonial values in the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution.


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 872-873
Author(s):  
Pilar Domingo

Elusive Reform is an important and welcome addition to the still underdeveloped area of political science analysis of judicial institutions in Latin America. Few volumes to date have undertaken such an in-depth study of the complex issue of rule of law and its problematic construction in fragile democratic systems in the region. The book analyzes the experience of rule of law reform in Argentina and Venezuela, with some comparative reference to other Latin American countries.


1960 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 421-428
Author(s):  
José Garrido Torres

The Free Trade Zone treaty signed by seven Latin-American countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Peru, Paraguay, and Uruguay) last February in Montevideo, is an unprecedented event in this part of the world. When it comes into effect by ratification of at least three of the seven countries the Latin-American Association of Free Trade will be created. It is destined to have considerable influence in the future of this continent if it proves to be an adequate instrument for attaining the goals in sight. These are two-fold: first, the intensification of trade; second, laying the groundwork for a more ambitious scheme of economic integration. Today, trade among Latin-American countries is about 10 per cent of their total international commerce. On the other hand, their economic development has been taking place along lines that are much too protectionist.


2020 ◽  

In the years before the Covid-19 crisis confronted the world with unprecedented challenges, the EU showed two sides of itself: On the one hand, it gave cause for hope, having overcome several crises and presenting itself to the world as a defender of multilateralism and a stronghold of democracy. On the other hand, however, its weaknesses remained visible: its lack of coherence in foreign and security policy; its insufficient influence in its neighbouring regions; and its internal contradictions with regard to upholding the rule of law among its member states. The essays gathered here offer a review of two years of EU politics. With contributions by Laurent Baechler, Anna Dimitrova, Mohamed Ane, Sebastian Franzkowiak, András Inotai, Gabriel N. Toggenburg, Arnaud Leconte, Kyriakos Revelas, Hartmut Marhold, Jean-Claude Vérez, Jean-Marie Rousseau, Susann Heinecke, Florent Marciacq, Tobias Flessenkemper, Magda Stumvoll, Marta-Claudia Cliza, Laura-Cristiana Spataru-Negura, Claude Nigoul, Pinar Selek, Yvan Gastaut.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 631-648 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niclas Berggren ◽  
Christian Bjørnskov

AbstractSince the early 1980s a wave of liberalizing reforms has swept over the world. Using panel data from 30 European countries in the period 1993–2015, we test the hypothesis that such reforms have led to voter dissatisfaction with democracy, since, it is argued, they have been undertaken in a non-transparent way, often during crises, and they have entailed detrimental consequences. The reform measures are constructed as distinct changes in four policy/institutional areas: government size, the rule of law, market openness, and regulation. Our results indicate that while reforms of government size are not robustly related to satisfaction with democracy, reforms of the other three kinds are – and in a way that runs counter to anti-liberalization claims. Reforms that reduce economic freedom are generally related to satisfaction with democracy in a negative way, while reforms that increase economic freedom are associated positively with satisfaction with democracy.


2004 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-450 ◽  
Author(s):  
FREDRIK UGGLA

During the last 20 years ombudsmen have been established in most Latin American countries. This article provides an overview of the how these institutions have evolved in six countries, particularly with regard to their political independence and strength. In spite of the potentially important role that such institutions may have in promoting public accountability, respect for human rights and the rule of law in new democracies, some ombudsmen have been more successful than others in these tasks. This article reflects on possible factors accounting for the relative effectiveness of the ombudsman, and discusses the role that this institution plays in contemporary Latin America.


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