Congressional district data book of the 98th congress. 1980 census of population and housing. Congressional districts of the 98th congress

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.

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Congressional District Results

The Turnout Myth ◽

10.1093/oso/9780190089450.003.0006 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 95-100

Author(s):

Daron R. Shaw ◽

John R. Petrocik

Keyword(s):

Contextual Information ◽

Demographic Variables ◽

Data Sets ◽

Congressional District ◽

Political Factors ◽

Congressional Districts ◽

Age Profile ◽

Democratic Vote ◽

The Relationship ◽

Political Variables

There are demographic and political factors beyond turnout that matter for elections. Congressional districts are sufficiently small and homogeneous to permit an examination of turnout in the context of relevant political and demographic variables. That controlled analysis is presented here. For the two most recent decades, this chapter uses data sets that include relevant demographic and political variables for each of the congressional districts, including the ethnicity of the electorate, its age profile, and district income to account for the effect of socioeconomic status on the Democratic vote share. This contextual information presses the analysis one level further. An estimation of the relationship between turnout and Democratic vote is strengthened when other factors that are known to influence support for the Democrats are considered and included in the models.

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Anatomy of a Cartographic Surrogate: the Portrayal of Complex Electoral Boundaries in the Congressional District Atlas

Cartographic Perspectives ◽

10.14714/cp35.837 ◽

2000 ◽

pp. 66-79 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Mark Monmonier

Keyword(s):

House Of Representatives ◽

Large Scale ◽

State Level ◽

Voting Rights Act ◽

Congressional District ◽

Department Of Justice ◽

Congressional Districts ◽

The Supreme Court ◽

Recent Edition ◽

Complex Boundaries

Compiled and published by the Bureau of the Census, the Congressional District Atlas describes the boundaries of the nation’s 435 congressional districts. Since its inception in 1960, the atlas has grown in length from 103 to 1,272 pages. The most noteworthy increase, between the 1987 and 1993 editions, reflects judicial pressure to equalize district population within a state as well as Department of Justice efforts to maximize the number of minority-majority districts. Single-district states like Delaware and Wyoming still consume a single printed page, and because county boundaries are documented elsewhere, a singlepage map is usually adequate for states in which district boundaries do not split counties. By contrast, non-traditional borders winding through multiple counties require numerous large-scale maps efficiently formatted as telescopically nested insets. In the most recent edition, published in two volumes in 1993, Florida and Texas individually account for more pages than the entire first edition, and North Carolina’s 12th district, which the Supreme Court ridiculed in Shaw v. Reno, stretches across 30 separate pages. Because of this parsimonious portrayal of boundaries, the atlas affords a convenient state-level descriptor of geographic complexity: the ratio of map pages to seats in the House of Representatives. Cartographic and statistical analysis of this index reveals a concentration of complex boundaries in the Southeast and other areas in which the Voting Rights Act mandates preclearance by the Justice Department. Not surprisingly, the index is a near-perfect predictor of judicial challenges to race-based redistricting

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Redistricting and Electoral Competition in American Politics

Political Science ◽

10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0279 ◽

2019 ◽

Author(s):

Ryan Williamson

Keyword(s):

Voting Behavior ◽

Electoral Competition ◽

Congressional District ◽

Incumbency Advantage ◽

Substantial Impact ◽

Electoral Success ◽

Congressional Districts ◽

The Us ◽

Us Supreme Court ◽

The Relationship

Redistricting, or the process of redrawing congressional district boundaries, can be a highly contentious and political affair. Electoral competition within districts is dependent on both of the major American political parties being evenly balanced. Therefore, redistricting can enhance or diminish competition through how it distributes partisans across districts. Indeed, politicians have used this process to manipulate boundaries in their favor for centuries. In fact, the term most commonly used for exploiting the redistricting process for partisan gain—gerrymandering—was coined in 1812 as Massachusetts governor Elbridge Gerry signed legislation creating a map with heavily distorted districts, one of which resembled a salamander. Thus, the portmanteau “gerry-mander” was born. The misshapen districts produced the intended effect of facilitating greater electoral success for members of the governor’s party. Throughout history, Congress, the US Supreme Court, individual states, the American electorate, and an ever-evolving political environment have all impacted the construction of district maps. Additionally, each of these factors further influences the level of electoral competition within the district. Therefore, this work seeks to outline how redistricting can directly or indirectly influence electoral competition within congressional districts. Directly, different redistricting entities (legislatures, commissions, and courts) possess different motivations and constraints when drawing district lines, which can impact competition. Indirectly, redistricting can influence voting behavior and the incumbency advantage, which can also impact competition. This work also explores the tradeoff between representation and competition, the relationship between redistricting and polarization, what constitutes a gerrymander, and how durable redistricting plans are over time. Each can have a substantial impact on electoral competition, which in turn bears consequences for our understanding of the consequences of redistricting.

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Geographic Distribution of Foot and Ankle Orthopaedic Surgeons Throughout the United States

Foot & Ankle Orthopaedics ◽

10.1177/2473011420s00086 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 5 (4) ◽

pp. 2473011420S0008

Author(s):

Hui Zhang ◽

Matthew G. Fanelli ◽

Coleman Cush ◽

Benjamin Wagner ◽

Louis C. Grandizio ◽

...

Keyword(s):

Geographic Distribution ◽

Pearson Correlation ◽

Negative Relationship ◽

The United States ◽

Economic Factors ◽

Foot And Ankle ◽

Congressional District ◽

Poverty Level ◽

Congressional Districts ◽

The Us

Category: Other Introduction/Purpose: Orthopaedic Surgery has become increasingly subspecialized since fellowships were established in the 1970s. Previous investigations within hand and urologic surgery have demonstrated an uneven geographic distribution within these subspecialties. Economic factors can influence surgeon distribution within a particular geographic region. At present, the geographic distribution of orthopaedic foot and ankle (OFA) surgeons in the US is poorly defined. The purpose of this investigation is to determine the geographic distribution of OFA surgeons in the US. We hypothesize that there will be substantial differences in OFA surgeon density throughout the US and that economic factors may play a role in access to subspecialty OFA care. Methods: A current membership list was obtained from the American Orthopaedic Foot & Ankle Society (AOFAS). Active AOFAS members were categorized relative to states and US House of Representatives Congressional Districts. Using publicly available census data, we recorded the population within each state and district as well as the percentage of families and people with income below the federally defined poverty level. Descriptive statistics were utilized for demographic information. The relationship between income level and the number of surgeons was determined using a Pearson correlation. These data were used to generate OFA surgeons per capita at a state and congressional district level. This information was also used to generate choropleth maps comparing surgeon density and poverty. Results: We identified a list of 1,103 active AOFAS members with 1,311 practice addresses. There was an average of 21.2 OFA surgeons per state. There was an average of 0.38 and 0.40 OFA surgeons per 100,000 people in each state and congressional district respectively. The District of Columbia, VT, WY, and NE had the highest OFA surgeon density. WV, KY, NM, RI had the lowest density. 75 congressional districts had no OFA surgeons. There was a statistically significant negative relationship demonstrating that regions with higher levels of poverty had fewer OFA surgeons, with a Pearson correlation coefficient of -0.14, (P-value = 0.008). This relationship is further illustrated in Figure 1. Conclusion: There is wide geographic variation of OFA surgeon density throughout the US. Regions with higher levels of poverty have less access to OFA surgeons compared to regions with lower poverty levels. Understanding these trends may aid in developing both recruitment and referal strategies for complex foot and ankle care in underserved regions.

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Geographic Distribution of Foot and Ankle Orthopedic Surgeons Throughout the United States

Foot & Ankle Orthopaedics ◽

10.1177/24730114211003555 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 6 (2) ◽

pp. 247301142110035

Author(s):

Matthew Fanelli ◽

Coleman Cush ◽

Hui Zhang ◽

Benjamin Wagner ◽

Amanda J. Young ◽

...

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Geographic Distribution ◽

Census Data ◽

Pearson Correlation ◽

Negative Relationship ◽

The United States ◽

Foot And Ankle ◽

Congressional District ◽

Level Of Evidence ◽

Congressional Districts

Background: At present, the geographic distribution of orthopedic foot and ankle (OFA) surgeons in the United States is poorly defined. The purpose of this investigation is to determine the geographic distribution of OFA surgeons in the United States. We hypothesize that there will be differences in OFA surgeon density throughout the United States and that economic factors may play a role in access to subspecialty OFA care. Methods: A current membership list was obtained from the American Orthopaedic Foot & Ankle Society (AOFAS). Active members were categorized relative to states and US congressional districts, using publicly available census data. The relationship between income and surgeon density was determined using a Pearson correlation. Results: We identified a list of 1103 active AOFAS members. There was an average of 0.38 and 0.40 OFA surgeons per 100 000 people in each state and congressional district, respectively. We found a weak negative relationship demonstrating that regions with higher levels of poverty had fewer OFA surgeons, with a Pearson correlation coefficient of –0.14 (95% CI: –0.24, –0.04), P = .008. Conclusion: There is wide geographic variation of OFA surgeon density throughout the United States. Regions with higher levels of poverty were weakly associated with decreased population density of OFA surgeons compared to regions with lower poverty levels. Understanding these trends may aid in developing both recruitment and referral strategies for complex foot and ankle care in underserved regions. Level of Evidence: Level V.

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The Geography of Racially Polarized Voting: Calibrating Surveys at the District Level

10.31219/osf.io/mk9e6 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

Shiro Kuriwaki ◽

Stephen Ansolabehere ◽

Angelo Dagonel ◽

Soichiro Yamauchi

Keyword(s):

Survey Data ◽

Total Variation ◽

The United States ◽

District Level ◽

Congressional District ◽

Congressional Districts ◽

Individual Level ◽

National Differences ◽

Racial Polarization ◽

Hispanic Voters

Voting in the United States has long been known to divide sharply along racial lines, and the degree of racially polarized voting evidently varies across regions, and even within a state. Researchers have further studied variation in racially polarized voting using aggregate data techniques, but these methods assume that variation in individual preferences is not related to geography. This paper presents estimates based on individual level data of the extent and variation in racially polarized voting across US Congressional Districts. Leveraging large, geocoded sample surveys, we develop an improved method for measuring racial voting patterns at the Congressional District-level. The method overcomes challenges in previous attempts of survey modeling by allowing survey data to inform the synthetic population model. This method has sufficient power to provide precise estimates of racial polarization even when survey data are sparse. We find that variation across districts but within states explains roughly 20 percent of the total variation; states explain a further 20 percent of the total variation, and 55 percent of the variation is simply national differences between races. The Deep South still has the highest racial polarization between White and Black voters, but some Midwestern congressional districts exhibit comparably high polarization. The polarization between White and Hispanic voters is far more variable than between Black and White voters.

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The Wielding Influence of Political Networks: Representation in Majority-Latino Districts

Political Research Quarterly ◽

10.1177/1065912917727368 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 71 (1) ◽

pp. 184-198 ◽

Cited By ~ 8

Author(s):

Angela X. Ocampo

Keyword(s):

Political Parties ◽

Interest Groups ◽

Case Studies ◽

House Of Representatives ◽

Congressional District ◽

Substantive Representation ◽

Congressional Districts ◽

Political Networks ◽

The Us ◽

Do So

Latino-majority congressional districts are far more likely to elect Latino representatives to Congress than majority-white districts. However, not all majority-Latino districts do so. This paper addresses this question, and it investigates how the level of influence of political parties and interest groups in majority-Latino districts substantially shapes Latino representation to the US House of Representatives. I rely on five case studies and a dataset of candidates to open congressional races with a Latino population plurality from 2004 to 2014. The evidence indicates that groups and political networks are critical for Latina/o candidate recruitment, the organization of resources in a congressional district, the deployment of campaign resources on behalf of certain candidates, and the eventual success of Latina/o candidates. The findings suggest that Latino descriptive and substantive representation are shaped by the wielding influence of political parties and interest groups.

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Incidence of Firearm Suicide in US Congressional Districts Estimated from County-Level Underlying Cause of Death Reports

10.21203/rs.3.rs-98077/v1 ◽

2020 ◽

Author(s):

Kathryn Schnippel ◽

Sarah Burd-Sharps

Keyword(s):

New York ◽

Population Group ◽

District Level ◽

Congressional District ◽

Health Crisis ◽

Congressional Districts ◽

Rural And Urban ◽

Control And Prevention ◽

Firearm Suicide ◽

The Difference

Abstract Background: Suicide is the most common form of violent death in the US and firearms are the most common means of suicide, contributing to half of all suicide deaths. The focus of this research is calculating suicide and firearm suicide counts and rates for each congressional district in order to highlight the types of legislation and local programs that can address this public health crisis in each district.Methods: Counts of suicides and firearm suicides for the congressional districts were calculated by weighting county counts as reported by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention for the five-year period 2014 to 2018 by the proportion of the county population allocated to the congressional district for that population group as available from the Census Bureau’s Summary File for the 116th Congress. The weighted counts were then summed over the counties in the congressional district. Results: There are 52 firearm suicides on average per congressional district each year, yet there is tremendous district-level variation across the country and even within states. Seventeen districts—in Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York and Washington, DC—have 10 or fewer firearm suicides each year. On the other hand, 11 districts—in Alaska, Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, Montana, Oklahoma, Oregon, and Tennessee—have over 100 gun suicides each year. 88 percent of the difference in congressional district-level suicide rates is explained by differences in firearm suicide. The proportion of suicides by firearm out of all suicides ranges from 6% to 73% across districts. Rates of suicide by other means were similar across rural and urban districts, while rates of firearm suicide were on average 5 times higher in rural districts (1.77 in urban compared to 10.60 per 100,000 population in rural). Conclusions: Understanding the incidence of firearm suicide in US congressional districts can provide tools for holding elected officials accountable for taking steps-- including research funding, key policies, storage practices, public education initiatives -- to protect the lives of their constituents by preventing firearm suicide.

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Measuring Constituency Ideology Using Bayesian Universal Kriging

State Politics & Policy Quarterly ◽

10.1177/1532440020930197 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 153244002093019

Author(s):

Jeff Gill

Keyword(s):

Past Research ◽

Statistical Technique ◽

Universal Kriging ◽

Congressional District ◽

Important Distinction ◽

Congressional Districts ◽

Validity Check ◽

Legislative Districts ◽

State Legislative ◽

Zip Code

In this article, we develop and make available measures of public ideology in 2010 for the 50 American states, 435 congressional districts, and state legislative districts. We do this using the geospatial statistical technique of Bayesian universal kriging, which uses the locations of survey respondents, as well as population covariate values, to predict ideology for simulated citizens in districts across the country. In doing this, we improve on past research that uses the kriging technique for forecasting public opinion by incorporating Alaska and Hawaii, making the important distinction between ZIP codes and ZIP Code Tabulation Areas, and introducing more precise data from the 2010 Census. We show that our estimates of ideology at the state, congressional district, and state legislative district levels appropriately predict the ideology of legislators elected from these districts, serving as an external validity check.

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