scholarly journals The Geography of Racially Polarized Voting: Calibrating Surveys at the District Level

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shiro Kuriwaki ◽  
Stephen Ansolabehere ◽  
Angelo Dagonel ◽  
Soichiro Yamauchi
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Total Variation ◽  
The United States ◽  
District Level ◽  
Congressional District ◽  
Congressional Districts ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
National Differences ◽  
Racial Polarization ◽  
Hispanic Voters

Voting in the United States has long been known to divide sharply along racial lines, and the degree of racially polarized voting evidently varies across regions, and even within a state. Researchers have further studied variation in racially polarized voting using aggregate data techniques, but these methods assume that variation in individual preferences is not related to geography. This paper presents estimates based on individual level data of the extent and variation in racially polarized voting across US Congressional Districts. Leveraging large, geocoded sample surveys, we develop an improved method for measuring racial voting patterns at the Congressional District-level. The method overcomes challenges in previous attempts of survey modeling by allowing survey data to inform the synthetic population model. This method has sufficient power to provide precise estimates of racial polarization even when survey data are sparse. We find that variation across districts but within states explains roughly 20 percent of the total variation; states explain a further 20 percent of the total variation, and 55 percent of the variation is simply national differences between races. The Deep South still has the highest racial polarization between White and Black voters, but some Midwestern congressional districts exhibit comparably high polarization. The polarization between White and Hispanic voters is far more variable than between Black and White voters.

Silence of the Land: On the Historical Irrelevance of Territory to Congressional Districting and Political Representation in the United States

2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Rehfeld
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Representative Government ◽  
Congressional District ◽  
Congressional Districts ◽  
Communities Of Interest

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.

Disease, Death, and the Body Politic

2012 ◽  
pp. 253-272
Author(s):  
James L. Wilson ◽  
Christopher J. Mansfield
Keyword(s):  
Body Politic ◽  
The United States ◽  
District Level ◽  
Congressional District ◽  
Areal Interpolation ◽  
Related Data ◽  
Health Related ◽  
Interpolation Techniques ◽  
Public Money ◽  
The U.S

More than a trillion dollars of public money is spent annually on health care in the United States. In order to inform policymakers, health advocacy groups, tax-paying constituents, and beneficiaries, it would be useful to present and analyze health outcome and health-related data at the U.S. congressional district level. Presently, health event data are not reported at this political unit; however, recent interest and advances in areal interpolation techniques are beginning to transcend the inherent limitations imposed by legacy data collection and analyses systems. In this paper, the authors use the dasymetric approach to illustrate how this areal interpolation technique can be used to transfer county-level mortality rate data from several causes of death to the U.S. congressional district level. The study’s primary goal is to promote areal interpolation techniques in the absence of a systematic and comprehensive national program for geocoding health events.

A Look Ahead at the 2020 US Elections: The Role of Candidate Diversity in Political Participation

2020 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 436-441
Author(s):  
Catalina Amuedo-Dorantes ◽  
Jose R. Bucheli
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Diverse Population ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Representative Data ◽  
Look Ahead ◽  
Growing Body ◽  
Hispanic Voters

An increasingly diverse population in the United States has given rise to a growing body of literature that analyzes the causes and consequences of descriptive representation. Using individual-level representative data on registration and voting for the entire United States over the 2008-2018 decade, we find that diversity in the candidate pool promotes the registration and voting of eligible-to-vote individuals, particularly those belonging to the youngest generations of voters, those located in swing states, and growing minorities, as in the case of Hispanic voters. Given the changing electorate, increasing candidate diversity might prove crucial in promoting political and electoral engagement.

scholarly journals Geographic Distribution of Foot and Ankle Orthopaedic Surgeons Throughout the United States

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 2473011420S0008
Author(s):  
Hui Zhang ◽  
Matthew G. Fanelli ◽  
Coleman Cush ◽  
Benjamin Wagner ◽  
Louis C. Grandizio ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Geographic Distribution ◽  
Pearson Correlation ◽  
Negative Relationship ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Factors ◽  
Foot And Ankle ◽  
Congressional District ◽  
Poverty Level ◽  
Congressional Districts ◽  
The Us

Category: Other Introduction/Purpose: Orthopaedic Surgery has become increasingly subspecialized since fellowships were established in the 1970s. Previous investigations within hand and urologic surgery have demonstrated an uneven geographic distribution within these subspecialties. Economic factors can influence surgeon distribution within a particular geographic region. At present, the geographic distribution of orthopaedic foot and ankle (OFA) surgeons in the US is poorly defined. The purpose of this investigation is to determine the geographic distribution of OFA surgeons in the US. We hypothesize that there will be substantial differences in OFA surgeon density throughout the US and that economic factors may play a role in access to subspecialty OFA care. Methods: A current membership list was obtained from the American Orthopaedic Foot & Ankle Society (AOFAS). Active AOFAS members were categorized relative to states and US House of Representatives Congressional Districts. Using publicly available census data, we recorded the population within each state and district as well as the percentage of families and people with income below the federally defined poverty level. Descriptive statistics were utilized for demographic information. The relationship between income level and the number of surgeons was determined using a Pearson correlation. These data were used to generate OFA surgeons per capita at a state and congressional district level. This information was also used to generate choropleth maps comparing surgeon density and poverty. Results: We identified a list of 1,103 active AOFAS members with 1,311 practice addresses. There was an average of 21.2 OFA surgeons per state. There was an average of 0.38 and 0.40 OFA surgeons per 100,000 people in each state and congressional district respectively. The District of Columbia, VT, WY, and NE had the highest OFA surgeon density. WV, KY, NM, RI had the lowest density. 75 congressional districts had no OFA surgeons. There was a statistically significant negative relationship demonstrating that regions with higher levels of poverty had fewer OFA surgeons, with a Pearson correlation coefficient of -0.14, (P-value = 0.008). This relationship is further illustrated in Figure 1. Conclusion: There is wide geographic variation of OFA surgeon density throughout the US. Regions with higher levels of poverty have less access to OFA surgeons compared to regions with lower poverty levels. Understanding these trends may aid in developing both recruitment and referal strategies for complex foot and ankle care in underserved regions.

scholarly journals Geographic Distribution of Foot and Ankle Orthopedic Surgeons Throughout the United States

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 247301142110035
Author(s):  
Matthew Fanelli ◽  
Coleman Cush ◽  
Hui Zhang ◽  
Benjamin Wagner ◽  
Amanda J. Young ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Geographic Distribution ◽  
Census Data ◽  
Pearson Correlation ◽  
Negative Relationship ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foot And Ankle ◽  
Congressional District ◽  
Level Of Evidence ◽  
Congressional Districts

Background: At present, the geographic distribution of orthopedic foot and ankle (OFA) surgeons in the United States is poorly defined. The purpose of this investigation is to determine the geographic distribution of OFA surgeons in the United States. We hypothesize that there will be differences in OFA surgeon density throughout the United States and that economic factors may play a role in access to subspecialty OFA care. Methods: A current membership list was obtained from the American Orthopaedic Foot & Ankle Society (AOFAS). Active members were categorized relative to states and US congressional districts, using publicly available census data. The relationship between income and surgeon density was determined using a Pearson correlation. Results: We identified a list of 1103 active AOFAS members. There was an average of 0.38 and 0.40 OFA surgeons per 100 000 people in each state and congressional district, respectively. We found a weak negative relationship demonstrating that regions with higher levels of poverty had fewer OFA surgeons, with a Pearson correlation coefficient of –0.14 (95% CI: –0.24, –0.04), P = .008. Conclusion: There is wide geographic variation of OFA surgeon density throughout the United States. Regions with higher levels of poverty were weakly associated with decreased population density of OFA surgeons compared to regions with lower poverty levels. Understanding these trends may aid in developing both recruitment and referral strategies for complex foot and ankle care in underserved regions. Level of Evidence: Level V.

Income Inequality and Ideological Positions in the U.S. Congress

2020 ◽  
pp. 106591292092231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey W. Ladewig
Keyword(s):  
Income Inequality ◽  
National Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
District Level ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Partisan Polarization ◽  
The Past ◽  
Congressional Behavior ◽  
Recent Trends ◽  
The U.S

Over the past twenty years, there has been much discussion about two of the most important recent trends in American politics: the increase in income inequality in the United States and the increase in ideological and partisan polarization, particularly in the U.S. House. These two national-level trends are commonly thought to be positively related. But, there are few tested theoretical connections between them, and it is potentially problematic to infer individual-level behavior from these aggregate-level trends. In fact, an examination of the literature reveals, at least, three different theoretical outcomes for district-level income inequality on voter and congressional ideological positions. I explore these district-level theoretical and empirical possibilities as well as test them over decades with three different measures of income inequality. I argue and demonstrate that higher district levels of income inequality are related to higher levels of ideological liberalism in the U.S. House. This stands in contrast to the national-level trends, but it tracks closely to traditional understandings of congressional behavior.

A New Approach to the Study of Ticket Splitting

1998 ◽  
Vol 92 (3) ◽  
pp. 533-544 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry C. Burden ◽  
David C. Kimball
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Aggregate Data ◽  
Divided Government ◽  
Ecological Fallacy ◽  
Ecological Inference ◽  
High Quality ◽  
Inference Problem ◽  
New Approach ◽  
Congressional Districts ◽  
Individual Level

A new solution to the ecological inference problem is used to examine split-ticket voting patterns across states and congressional districts in the 1988 elections. Earlier studies of ticket splitting used either aggregate data, which suffer from the “ecological fallacy” and threaten individual-level inferences, or survey data from small, unrepresentative samples. We produce more accurate estimates of the proportions of voters splitting their ballots in each state and district, which enables us to examine variations across geographical units. We also clarify the connection between ticket splitting and divided government and test several competing theories about the causes of both. We find, contrary to balancing arguments, that voters are not intentionally splitting tickets to produce divided government and moderate policies. In most cases split outcomes are a by-product of lopsided congressional campaigns that feature well-funded, high-quality candidates versus unknown competitors.

scholarly journals Do Congressional Candidates Have Reverse Coattails? Evidence from a Regression Discontinuity Design

2009 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 418-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
David E. Broockman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Regression Discontinuity ◽  
The United States ◽  
District Level ◽  
Regression Discontinuity Design ◽  
Congressional District ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Null Finding

Although the presidential coattail effect has been an object of frequent study, the question of whether popular congressional candidates boost vote shares in return for their parties' presidential candidates remains unexplored. This article investigates whether so-called “reverse coattails” exist using a regression discontinuity design with congressional district-level data from presidential elections between 1952 and 2004. Taking incumbency to be near-randomly distributed in cases where congressional candidates have just won or lost their previous elections, I find that the numerous substantial advantages of congressional incumbency have no effect on presidential returns for these incumbents' parties. This null finding underscores my claim that the existing coattail literature deserves greater scrutiny. My results also prompt a rethinking of the nature of the advantages that incumbents bring to their campaigns and may help deepen our understanding of partisanship in the United States.

What Makes a Good Neighbor? Race, Place, and Norms of Political Participation

2018 ◽  
Vol 112 (3) ◽  
pp. 494-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALLISON P. ANOLL
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Social Norms ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
The United States ◽  
Neighborhood Context ◽  
Social Value ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Social ◽  
Original Survey ◽  
Good Neighbor

Social norms are thought to motivate behaviors like political participation, but context should influence both the content and activation of these norms. I show that both race and neighborhood context moderate the social value of political participation in the United States. Using original survey data and a survey experiment, I find that Whites, Blacks, and Latinos not only conceptualize participation differently, but also asymmetrically reward those who are politically active, with minority Americans often providing more social incentives for participation than Whites. I combine this survey data with geographic demography from the American Community Survey and find that neighborhood characteristics outpace individual-level indicators in predicting the social value of political participation. The findings suggest that scholars of political behavior should consider race, place, and social norms when seeking to understand participation in an increasingly diverse America.

scholarly journals Incidence of Firearm Suicide in US Congressional Districts Estimated from County-Level Underlying Cause of Death Reports

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Schnippel ◽  
Sarah Burd-Sharps
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Population Group ◽  
District Level ◽  
Congressional District ◽  
Health Crisis ◽  
Congressional Districts ◽  
Rural And Urban ◽  
Control And Prevention ◽  
Firearm Suicide ◽  
The Difference

Abstract Background: Suicide is the most common form of violent death in the US and firearms are the most common means of suicide, contributing to half of all suicide deaths. The focus of this research is calculating suicide and firearm suicide counts and rates for each congressional district in order to highlight the types of legislation and local programs that can address this public health crisis in each district.Methods: Counts of suicides and firearm suicides for the congressional districts were calculated by weighting county counts as reported by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention for the five-year period 2014 to 2018 by the proportion of the county population allocated to the congressional district for that population group as available from the Census Bureau’s Summary File for the 116th Congress. The weighted counts were then summed over the counties in the congressional district. Results: There are 52 firearm suicides on average per congressional district each year, yet there is tremendous district-level variation across the country and even within states. Seventeen districts—in Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York and Washington, DC—have 10 or fewer firearm suicides each year. On the other hand, 11 districts—in Alaska, Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, Montana, Oklahoma, Oregon, and Tennessee—have over 100 gun suicides each year. 88 percent of the difference in congressional district-level suicide rates is explained by differences in firearm suicide. The proportion of suicides by firearm out of all suicides ranges from 6% to 73% across districts. Rates of suicide by other means were similar across rural and urban districts, while rates of firearm suicide were on average 5 times higher in rural districts (1.77 in urban compared to 10.60 per 100,000 population in rural). Conclusions: Understanding the incidence of firearm suicide in US congressional districts can provide tools for holding elected officials accountable for taking steps-- including research funding, key policies, storage practices, public education initiatives -- to protect the lives of their constituents by preventing firearm suicide.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document