Dangerous or Vulnerable? A Genealogy of “Difficult and Violent Adolescents” in France

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (S1) ◽  
pp. S718-S718
Author(s):  
Y. Gansel

IntroductionDifficult adolescent is a clinical category, defined by psychiatrists’ expertise and referred to psychoanalytical concepts. Since the end of the 1990s, it has been extensively used to describe a marginal population in public institutions managing youth deviancy in France. This success occurs against a backdrop of institutional reforms, converging towards politics of suffering and risk management.ObjectivesContributing to the anthropology of mental health, this communication provides comprehensive elements to this success.MethodsInterconnected networks of 49 documents were analyzed using a genealogical method based on Foucault's late conceptions and Ian Hachking's works on constructivism.ResultsResults have shown that the category of difficult adolescents found its ecological niche in the 1960s, revealing a moral tension in the use of constraint. At that time, the introduction of the psychoanalytical notions of transference and counter transference depicted a clear distinction with previous categories such as the “abnormals” or “maladjusted youth”. Since then, it has defined an ambiguous condition, suspended between the trouble of caregivers and the adolescents’ individual disorder. In addition, the extension of clinical expertise silences social issues, such as gender discriminations, ethnicity and access to employment.ConclusionsThe reforms of custodial treatments represented the initial conditions of detection for difficult adolescents, raising new problems of intractable individual and institutional linkage. Driving towards a biographical personalization, the category allows new forms of regulation in the use of institutional power.Disclosure of interestThe author has not supplied his/her declaration of competing interest.

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yannis Gansel

‘Difficult adolescent’ is a clinical category defined by psychiatrists’ expertise. Since the end of the 1990s, it has been extensively used to describe a population of disruptive, violent yet vulnerable adolescents, at the margins of public institutions that manage youth deviancy in France. For the present study, an interconnected network of 49 documents was analysed using a genealogical method in order to provide comprehensive elements in the results. This category found its ecological niche in the 1960s, revealing a moral tension in the use of constraint. It addressed new problems of intractable individuals, whose dangerousness and vulnerability require coordination between penal, social and psychiatric institutions. It defines an ambiguous condition, suspended between the trouble experienced by the caregivers and an adolescent’s individual disorder.


1975 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 863-866 ◽  
Author(s):  
William D. Kalberer

Ranks of 15 issues by 76 adolescents show that the “issues” procedure appears to reflect validly the concerns of adolescents. The present data appear to reflect accurately the changing perceptions of these personal and social issues through the 1960s. Similar systematic surveys of adolescent attitudes might be undertaken to chart societal changes.


Author(s):  
Astrid Jamar ◽  
Gerard Birantamije

Military politics have been entangled with the trajectory of Burundian public institutions, experiences of violence, and the army formation. From 1994 to 2009, the peace process brought together different political parties, security forces, and rebel groups to negotiate ceasefires and major institutional reforms. Adopted in 2000, the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement contained some of the most ambitious and sophisticated security reforms. While most literature emphasizes mostly on the Arusha Peace Agreement, 22 agreements were signed by different sets of parties, including political parties and rebel groups during these 15 years of peace meditation. The Arusha Peace Agreement provides for complex security arrangements: (a) a strictly defined role, structure, and mandate of the army and other security forces; (b) sophisticated power-sharing arrangements for both leadership and composition of the army and other security forces; (c) demobilization, disarmament, integration, and training of armed forces; (d) transformation of armed groups into political parties; and (e) ceasefires. The peace talks integrated various armed political groups into Burundian institutions. Responding to four decades of violence and military dictatorship, these reforms of the military and other security forces aimed to disentangle the military from politics. Initially contested, the agreements shaped the reading of the historical contexts that justified these institutional military reforms. Indeed, provisions of these agreements also framed a narrative about violence and imposed fixed interpretations of political mobilization of violence. These imposed interpretations neglected key elements that enabled and, continue to enable, the political use of violence as well as the emergence of new forms of military politics. The main institutional approaches adopted to tackle issue of inclusion and correct imbalances in armed forces was the introduction of power-sharing arrangements based on ethnic dimensions. The formulation and further implementation of ethnic quotas reinforced the binary elements of ethnic identities, rather than promote a more fluid understanding that would appreciate intersecting elements, such as gender, political affiliation, and class and regional dimensions in the undertaking of power, alliance, and relations between executive and military institutions. Security reforms continue to affect the functioning of public institutions, with limited effects for disentangling politics and military.


Author(s):  
Joseph R. Fitzgerald

The conclusion highlights Gloria Richardson’s increasing public recognition for her human rights activism in Cambridge, Maryland, during the 1960s and her place in civil rights and Black Power histories. Also discussed are her views on some current social issues, including the Cambridge city government’s privatization of the public housing units she and other activists fought to get built. Richardson sees this as an example of government’s abrogation of its responsibility to serve and protect residents and politicians’ use of their power to undermine communities’ quality of life. She also shares her concerns about President Donald J. Trump. Although he presents himself as an authoritarian politician, his supporters either cannot or will not acknowledge this because they believe in the myth of American exceptionalism. Richardson argues that today’s activists must use creative tactics—including the strategic use of the vote—to resist the countless ways governments at all levels try to limit and restrict people’s freedoms and liberties.


theoretically achieved back in the 1960s, meant the abolition of all barriers. In practice, the latter had remained a pious aspiration so long as a whole host of technical, fiscal and other barriers existed. Early in 1985 the Commission produced a white paper on establishing a single market. This, together with the report by the Dooge Committee, established at Fontainebleau to examine institutional issues, formed the major agenda when the European Council met in Milan in late June 1985 and took the crucial decisions which were to lead to the negotiation and signature of SEA. The Milan European Council was an early demonstration of the new Franco-German axis. Analysis of these events should properly focus on three critical features. First, the European Council confirmed its assumption of direct responsibility for all major decisions. In 1984 this involved enlargement and the budget. In 1985 it embraced ‘completion’ of the Community itself in the shape of the single market. Second, the actual decision to hold an inter-governmental conference (IGC), which would give a treaty base to foreign policy co-operation and revise some of the institutional arrangements, was taken by a majority despite opposition from Britain, Denmark and Greece. Italian Prime Minister Craxi as President of the European Council played a key role in this. Third, despite objections to developing European structures and institutions, Britain attached sufficient importance to the single market to accept a majority decision on the IGC. The lead up to the IGC had been long and tortuous, but the actual negotiation of the SEA was relatively simple. The IGC met in September, and by January an agreed text had emerged. The treaty itself is analysed in the next chapter. Its main features were agreement to implement the single market by the end of 1992, the establishment of a legal basis for Political Co-operation and a number of institutional reforms. Whilst not formally repudiating the Luxembourg compromise with its apparent extension of the national veto, member states seemed to have reached some understanding that in future the spirit of the original treaties would apply. The point is underlined by the fact that virtually all the provisions relating to the single market would be implemented by majority vote. In the immediate aftermath of the ratification of the SEA, some observers drew attention to the gap between aspirations expressed by Parliament in its Draft Treaty and the actual achievement. Although true, such comments are wide of the mark. In the negotiating process Parliament was little more than a bystander with the right to be heard. The member states were anxious to achieve a relaunching of the move towards unification after a period of apparent

2006 ◽  
pp. 84-84

1989 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. Larry Mays ◽  
Michelle Olszta

Prison litigation has been a critical issue for criminal justice and legal scholars, and for correctional practitioners for three decades. It generally is agreed that lawsuits filed by prison inmates and the attention given these suits by the federal courts have served to heighten the debate over the role of prisons in our society. Additionally, from an intergovernmental perspective, much concern has been expressed over the federal courts' role in supervising state prison operations. This article examines a number of legal and social issues that have been raised in prison litigation.


Author(s):  
James Roaf ◽  
Ruben Atoyan ◽  
Bikas Joshi ◽  
Krzysztof Krogulski

The past 25 years have seen a dramatic transformation in Europe’s former communist countries, resulting in their reintegration with the global economy, and, in most cases, major improvements in living standards. But the task of building full market economies has been difficult and protracted. Liberalization of trade and prices came quickly, but institutional reforms—such as governance reform, competition policy, privatization and enterprise restructuring—often faced opposition from vested interests. The results of the first years of transition were uneven. All countries suffered high inflation and major recessions as prices were freed and old economic linkages broke down. But the scale of output losses and the time taken for growth to return and inflation to be brought under control varied widely. Initial conditions and external factors played a role, but policies were critical too. Countries that undertook more front-loaded and bold reforms were rewarded with faster recovery and income convergence. Others were more vulnerable to the crises that swept the region in the wake of the 1997 Asia crisis.


Pharmacy ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 146
Author(s):  
Hervé Javelot ◽  
Clara Gitahy Falcao Faria ◽  
Frederik Vandenberghe ◽  
Sophie Dizet ◽  
Bastien Langrée ◽  
...  

Although clinical pharmacy is a discipline that emerged in the 1960s, the question of precisely how pharmacists can play a role in therapeutic optimization remains unanswered. In the field of mental health, psychiatric pharmacists are increasingly involved in medication reconciliation and therapeutic patient education (or psychoeducation) to improve medication management and enhance medication adherence, respectively. However, psychiatric pharmacists must now assume a growing role in team-based models of care and engage in shared expertise in psychopharmacology in order to truly invest in therapeutic optimization of psychotropics. The increased skills in psychopharmacology and expertise in psychotherapeutic drug monitoring can contribute to future strengthening of the partnership between psychiatrists and psychiatric pharmacists. We propose a narrative review of the literature in order to show the relevance of a clinical pharmacist specializing in psychiatry. With this in mind, herein we will address: (i) briefly, the areas considered the basis of the deployment of clinical pharmacy in mental health, with medication reconciliation, therapeutic education of the patient, as well as the growing involvement of clinical pharmacists in the multidisciplinary reflection on pharmacotherapeutic decisions; (ii) in more depth, we present data concerning the use of therapeutic drug monitoring and shared expertise in psychopharmacology between psychiatric pharmacists and psychiatrists. These last two points are currently in full development in France through the deployment of Resource and Expertise Centers in PsychoPharmacology (CREPP in French).


2018 ◽  
pp. 149-161
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Zajda ◽  
Sławomir Pasikowski

The cooperation of local public institutions with non-governmental organisations and citizens can increase chances for the effective implementation of social policy, understood as a set of activities on behalf of satisfying social needs and resolving social issues. The aim of this article is to present a tool that would enable us to determine the level of cooperation between entities in the scope of co-creation and co-production of social services that satisfy the needs of residents of rural municipalities (gmina). The article contains an overview of analyses conducted in 2018 on a sample of public institutions responsible for satisfying social needs and resolving social issues representative of rural municipalities. In light of these analyses the scale is a three-factor construct and includes the following factors: 1. Seeking entities for cooperation and cooperating with them, 2. Including residents of municipalities in undertakings on their own behalf, 3. Evaluation of cooperation and working towards future cooperation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 491-508
Author(s):  
Antonio Sérgio Escrivão Filho ◽  
Fernando Luis Coelho Antunes

Resumo: O Brasil passou por um processo tardio de reconstrução da sua história no que diz respeito à Justiça de transição. Entre os elementos que desde uma perspectiva conceitual compõem uma noção de Justiça de transição encontram-se os processos compreendidos pelas reformas institucionais, caracterizados pela realização de medidas voltadas à reeducação e refuncionalização das instituições públicas, a fim de reorientá-las para o cotidiano do Estado Democrático de Direito, com vistas à promoção dos direitos humanos, extirpando resquícios autoritários das estruturas normativas, institucionais e culturais do Estado. No interior desse debate, as instituições de justiça e segurança pública são comumente identificadas como alvos prioritários de processos de transição, dada a sua relação intrínseca e direta com o tratamento da violência política sistemática e a restrição de direitos e liberdades. Nesse sentido, o artigo apresenta uma discussão sobre o cenário das reformas institucionais referentes ao poder judiciário e aos sistemas de segurança pública, em um esforço analítico para contribuir com os debates realizados no contexto tardio de Justiça de transição no Brasil.Palavras-chave: Justiça de transição. Reformas institucionais. Poder Judiciário. Segurança pública. Brasil. Abstract: Brazil has passed through a delayed reconstruction process of its history, from a perspective of the so called transitional justice. Among the elements that usually make up a conceptual notion of transitional justice, it can be found the processes understood by institutional reforms, characterized by carrying out measures aimed at reeducation and refunctionalization of public institutions, in order to redirect them to the Democratic Rule of Law, and the promotion of human rights, putting away authoritarian remnants from normative, institutional and cultural public structures. Within this debate, the institutions of justice and public security are commonly identified as priority targets for transition processes, because of its intrinsic and directly relation to the treatment of systematic political violence and the restriction of rights and freedoms. In this sense, the article presents a discussion on the scenario of institutional reforms regarding the judiciary, public security in the context of the late Transitional Justice in Brazil.Keywords: Transitional justice. Institutional reforms. Judicial role. Public security. Brazil.


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