Czech extreme right parties an unsuccessful story

2011 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 283-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miroslav Mareš
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Party System ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
The Past ◽  
Marginal Part ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Near Future ◽  
Extreme Right Parties

This article describes the extreme right in the Czech Republic, where, in contrast to several other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, this part of the political spectrum has been unsuccessful for the past ten years. The aim of this article is to analyse the position of the extreme right in the Czech party system and the internal ideological and strategic cleavages within the extreme right. The conclusion of this article is that organized party-political extremism is after two decades of modern political development only a marginal part of the Czech political spectrum, with many internal problems and without real chances of significant success in the near future.

scholarly journals Political Parties of Thailand – Examination for Democratic Stability

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 102-119
Author(s):  
N. G. ROGOZHINA
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Political Governance

On the threshold of elections designed to be held in February 2019,  the first after the military junta seized power in 2014, it is important  to define the role of parties in the political process of Thailand, which  as other developing countries of Asia, faces  challenges in democratic state building. The contemporary political  history of kingdom represents the confrontation of two tendencies –  authoritarianism and democracy what has a reverse impact on  political parties, their character, structure and ability to represent  interests of the society as a whole. The author analyses the process  of party evolution in the historical retrospective in the context of  transformation of political system – from bureaucratic to  semidemocratic subjected to economic modernization and changes in  socio structure of society where traditional form of organization patron-client is persisted. The author defines three  stages of evolution of party system in Thailand The first is  characterized by the full control of civil-military bureaucracy over  parties. The second stage is closely related to the formation of provincial political clientele groups. The third stage marks the  evolvement of party of “power” with the implication for  strengthening the parliamentary democracy in the beginning of XXI  century. And as the result of it – to the destabilization of political  system, based on the relative balance of power between two main  political forces – bureaucracy and army interested in reservation of authoritarian government, and bourgeoisie supporting the  liberalization of political institutes. With the emergence of party of “power” supported by the majority of population advocating  parliamentary democracy political spectrum has changed. The arising conflict of interests subjected to collision of positions  regarding the model of political governance was overcome by  military coup. Analyzing the political spectrum on the threshold of  elections the author comes to conclusion that the restoration of  compromised model of political governance sample of 80-90 years of  XX century is the most likely option of political development of  Thailand in the near future. Though it differs in one aspect – the  social structure has changed, there is the rise of that groups of population that intend to participate in the political process, what  will force the power to be more transparent and social oriented. These challenges face the political parties as well.

Jobbik's successes. An analysis of its success in the comparative context of the V4 countries

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 323-333 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miroslav Mareš ◽  
Vratislav Havlík
Keyword(s):  
Political Movements ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Five Factors ◽  
Major Player ◽  
Negotiation Style ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
Extreme Right Parties

The success of Jobbik, an extreme-right party in Hungary, is unique in its success compared with other extreme right parties in the Visegrad 4 countries of Central Europe. In contrast to parties in the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Poland, Jobbik has managed to make substantial electoral gains and is a major player in the National Assembly in Hungary. This paper discusses five factors that show how the rise of Jobbik was possible. They are: a tradition of extreme right political movements, a party cleavage structure shaped by morals rather than socioeconomics, a specific national electoral geography, the negotiation style of the party and finally its reaction on the crisis of traditional democratic parties. In contrast to the other V4 nations, only Hungary has these elements present. This text explores each of these factors in a comparative context to demonstrate how Jobbik was able to take advantage of Hungarian political conditions in a way that extreme right parties in other Central European nations cannot.

The Italian Socialist Party: A Case Study in Factional Conflict

1962 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 372-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raphael Zariski
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Major Party ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Right

The Italian Socialist Party (PSI) is one of the three major groupings—the Social Democrats, the Socialists and the Communists—that have cultivated the ground to the left of center (i.e., to the left of the ruling Christian Democrats) in Italian politics since World War II. As recently as 1951, the PSI appeared to be inextricably linked with the Communists; but the Socialists have gradually worked themselves around to the position, early in 1962, of openly supporting a Left-Center coalition government still headed by the Christian Democrats. This drastic alteration in the Italian political spectrum has created new possibilities for Italy's political development. It has already permitted the long-awaited “opening to the Left”—as a basic alternative to governments dependent on the Center-Right—under which Italy will be ruled by a coalition of Christian Democrats, Republicans, and Social Democrats, with the PSI offering its support in Parliament in exchange for a bold program of economic planning and social reform. But some Socialists see a further possibility: the so-called “Socialist alternative.” They hope for the possible development of the PSI into a second major party in a two-party system which would absorb the great bulk of the Italian electorate, with the exception of minor extremist fringes to the right and left. To be sure, the success of the “opening to the Left” and the eventual emergence of a “Socialist alternative” both depend on the continued supremacy of the more progressive factions within the ranks of the Christian Democratic Party.

scholarly journals Much ado about nothing: Zeros and the extreme right

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 205316801985098
Author(s):  
Sean Kates
Keyword(s):  
Best Practices ◽  
Goodness Of Fit ◽  
Cross Validation ◽  
Main Question ◽  
Model Choice ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Much Ado About Nothing ◽  
The Past ◽  
Extreme Right Parties

The literature surrounding extreme right parties in Europe has developed dramatically over the past two decades. However, the analysis of electoral success for these parties has produced muddled results, and occasionally even conflicting findings. This article argues this confusion is partially due to a reliance on an inappropriate model choice. Through the use of simulations, a goodness-of-fit exercise, and a prediction exercise based on model cross-validation, I show that the traditional Tobit specification—adopted to deal with electoral results of fringe parties—is theoretically untenable, statistically inferior to alternative models, and practically prone to revealing effects that are unsupported by the underlying data. Rather, the results suggest that best practices should see researchers adopt Cragg or Heckman models for two-stage questions, or consider adopting an analysis applying multiple overimputation if the main question is focused on the determinants of electoral success.

scholarly journals Ewolucja instytucji prezydentury w politycznej historii Ukrainy: ustanowienie prezydentury, kompetencje, rola i miejsce prezydenta w systemie rządów

Politeja ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (2 (34/1)) ◽  
pp. 25-62
Author(s):  
Witalij Łytwyn
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Past ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government

The Evolution of Institution of Presidency in Political History of Ukraine: Incipience, Powers, Role and Place in the System of Government The author determined phases of formation, powers, role and place of presidency in the government system of Ukraine at different stages of its political development, outlined historiography of presidency’s researches in Ukraine, incrementally structured the evolution of political and legal views about the nature and purpose of the presidency in Ukraine, outlined the factual authority, role and place of presidency in the government system of Ukraine (on Ukrainian ethnic territories) in the first decade of the twentieth century. He also described the influence of the USSR presidency on the characteristics of formation and role of the presidency in post‑Soviet Ukraine as well as revealed the dynamics of presidency in the independent Ukraine, 1991‑2014. The author also found out the problem of institutional inheritance of presidency (including his powers, role and place in system of government) in the context of impact of some historical milestones of Ukrainian statehood in the following historical milestones. As result, the researcher argued that the institution of presidency in Ukraine (including the government system at all) needs to be reformed because of the past institutional, legal and political legacy of the presidency in Ukraine, and given to the experience of presidency in Central and Eastern Europe countries.

scholarly journals Why are Extreme Right Parties so Popular in Europe?

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-47
Author(s):  
Radu-Vladimir Rauta
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
The Past ◽  
Real Increase ◽  
Recent Activity ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Extreme Right Parties

This topic has witnessed a real increase in media coverage due to the recent activity of extreme right parties across Europe, notable being in the past year the Greek parties and the Dutch stance regarding immigration. For answering the question, and following the pathway of the module, the essay is looking at the extreme right parties in four European countries: France, Germany, the Netherlands and Italy. Research for this paper has been focused mostly on the specialised literature, Pietro Ignazi being brought into discussion the most. Because of the large variables over years, the essay is looking at the parties from the 1960s until the early 2000s.

From High Hopes To On-Going Defeat: The New Extreme Right's Political Mobilization and its National Electoral Failure in Germany

2006 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lars Rensmann
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Supply Side ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Public Issues ◽  
New Public ◽  
Favorable Conditions ◽  
Cordon Sanitaire ◽  
Extreme Right Parties

German extreme Right parties have increased their political and electoral significance in recent years, in particular through some considerable regional successes in the East. However, in spite of noticeable nation-wide gains by the NPD in the Bundestag election, the extreme Right suffered from another defeat. Looking at the interplay of supply side and demand side factors, the article examines the transformations and continuities of extreme Right parties within the German party system, their performance in the 2005 general election, and the reasons for their ongoing national electoral failure. While extreme Right parties benefit from more favorable conditions related to increased voter volatility, new public issues and new cleavage structures, these parties also continuously face crucial difficulties, especially on the supply side: the cordon sanitaire is still intact, and new cleavages in relation to globalization are more convincingly and effectively utilized by left-wing competitors. The main obstacle, though, are the extreme Right agents themselves. Incorporating Zeitgeist issues, they nevertheless remain unable to actually modernize their agenda. The present and future challenge to liberal democracy may be a new level of cooperation between extreme Right parties and consolidated "informal" right-wing extremist subcultures in Eastern regional strongholds.

Activity of modern right-wing radical parties in the Czech Republic

2019 ◽  
pp. 164-173
Author(s):  
Tetiana Fedorchak
Keyword(s):  
Czech Republic ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Social Programs ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
Almost All ◽  
Political Radicalism

The author investigates political radicalism in the Czech Republic, a rather heterogeneous current considering the structure of participants: from political parties to the extremist organizations. The peculiarity of the Czech party system is the existence, along with typical radical parties, of other non-radical parties whose representatives support xenophobic, nationalist and anti-Islamic statements. This is primarily the Civil Democratic Party, known for its critical attitude towards European integration, and the Communist party of the Czech Republic and Moravia, which opposes Czech membership in NATO and the EU. Among the Czech politicians, who are close to radical views, analysts include the well-known for its anti-Islamic position of the Czech President M. Zeman and the leader of the movement ANO, billionaire A. Babich. Voters vote for them not because their economic or social programs are particularly attractive to the electorate, but because of dissatisfaction with the economic situation in the state. Almost all right populist parties oppose European integration, interpreting it as an anti-national project run by an elite distorted by a deficit of democracy and corruption. Keywords: Czech Republic, right-wing radical political parties, European integration, nationalism.

Understanding Molecular Process and Chemotherapeutics for the Management of Breast Cancer.

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abhishek Kumar ◽  
Neeraj Masand ◽  
Vaishali M. Patil
Keyword(s):  
Breast Cancer ◽  
Molecular Mechanisms ◽  
Molecular Targets ◽  
Molecular Classification ◽  
Neoplastic Disease ◽  
Molecular Process ◽  
The Past ◽  
Anti Cancer ◽  
Molecular Etiology ◽  
Near Future

Abstract: Breast cancer is the most common and highly heterogeneous neoplastic disease comprised of several subtypes with distinct molecular etiology and clinical behaviours. The mortality observed over the past few decades and the failure in eradicating the disease is due to the lack of specific etiology, molecular mechanisms involved in initiation and progression of breast cancer. Understanding of the molecular classes of breast cancer may also lead to new biological insights and eventually to better therapies. The promising therapeutic targets and novel anti-cancer approaches emerging from these molecular targets that could be applied clinically in the near future are being highlighted. In addition, this review discusses some of the details of current molecular classification and available chemotherapeutics

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