Obtaining redress for abuse of office in Russia: The Soviet legacy and the long road to administrative justice

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 273-284
Author(s):  
Elena Bogdanova

This article examines the options for redressing abuse of office available to citizens in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia. I consider the courts, the procuracy, and the complaint mechanism as sites for citizens to lodge claims against abuse of office in late-Soviet and post-Soviet times. After the collapse of the Soviet system there was an attempt to overcome the Soviet legacy, to strengthen legal institutions and establish administrative justice. Analysis of Soviet and post-Soviet normative documents and statistical data allows us to argue that opportunities for Russian citizens to combat service crimes in the courts have improved substantially. However, the system for coping with abuse of office remains imperfect, and retains features of the Soviet legacy despite vague legislation about administrative justice and dual ways of coping with abuse through legal and quasi-legal mechanisms. The re-establishment of the complaint mechanism in the conditions of contemporary Russia exacerbates this imperfection. Overall, the complaint mechanism occupies a significant place in people’s options for making claims against officials, especially claims against high-ranking officials.

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 76-81
Author(s):  
Yury S. Nikiforov

The article examines the factors and sources of inequality and legal delimitation of the industrial societas in the USSR in the 1950-1980s. The article raises the question of the key aspects of regional and sectoral inequality of the Soviet societas. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study is associated with the paradigm of the "global intellectual history of inequality". Much attention is paid to the analysis of the concepts of "estate" and "class" in modern historiography. The article is based on the ideas of Mikhail Beznin and Tat’yana Dimoni on the legal demarcation of the production societas in the USSR and the formation of special social classes in Soviet Russia in the 1950s-1980s. An important theoretical role is played by the controversial thesis of the researcher Simon Kordonskiy on the existence of special estates – social registration groups – in the USSR. The source base of the study is represented by the official normative documents of the Soviet era, statistical data, unpublished archival documents of the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History. The article expresses a scientific hypothesis that the main criteria for inequality and legal delimitation of the production societas of the USSR included 3 indicators in the second half of the 20th century – a formally determined size of wages, social security, horizontal social mobility.


2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-38
Author(s):  
André Swanström

Ivan Baruch Kutisker was a Lithuanian Jewish businessman who became a prominent symbol of Nazi propaganda and antisemitism in the Weimar Republic. Before Kutisker came to Germany he had a brief engagement as the Finnish government representative to Soviet Russia. This article contributes to the research on Kutisker as well as to the research on antisemitism in Finland. Ivan Kutisker’s sojourn in Finland has been an unknown chapter in his life. Kutisker’s contact persons in Finland were Heikki Renvall, Kai Donner and K. N. Rantakari. The attitudes displayed by Renvall, Donner and Ranta­kari indicate that antisemitism was widespread among the Finnish political and military establishment. The article illustrates how antisemitism influenced the thinking and decision-making of high-ranking Finnish officials.


Stan Rzeczy ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 55-77
Author(s):  
Anna Shor-Chudnovskaya

This article is devoted to the attitude to truth as a part of political epistemology and of political culture in post-Soviet Russia. It considers the extent to which the Great Terror contributed to the development of a specific political epistemology, which is also largely characteristic of later periods of Soviet history and perhaps even of today. Of particular interest is the population’s perception of the terror as inaccessible or poorly accessible to logical understanding. As main sources, the article relies on two literary texts: Lydia Chukovskaya’s Sofia Petrovna and Veniamin Kaverin’s The Open Book. Despite all the apparent differences between the Soviet system and today’s Russia, one important similarity is striking: over the last two decades (after 1999) there has been a visible increase in the belief that it is impossible for a political subject to separate truth from lying and that the sphere of public administration and political interests is, by definition, a place where deception prevails. This article discusses the potential historical roots of this certainty.


Slavic Review ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 630-641 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Zimmerman

There are two basic and conflicting views among scholars about the malleability of political culture—a group or nation's basic orientations to politics. By one account, culture is a relatively stable, ethnically or spatially specific predictor variable that shapes a nation's political institutions. In Russian studies, this is an approach that has emphasized the connection between the Russian autocratic past and the similarities between tsarist and bolshevik political institutions. Those attracted by this assessment of political culture are prone to think a statist, authoritarian political economy in Russia will be a constant regardless of the collapse of the Soviet system in 1991. The other approach views political culture as being more malleable. It has two variants. One snares with the first approach the assumption that culture is a predictor variable, but emphasizes the effects of secular changes in education and changes in work experience on the distribution of attitudes in a society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. s123-s137
Author(s):  
Olena Antoniuk ◽  
Petro Kutsyk ◽  
Iryna Brodska ◽  
Olena  Kolesnikova ◽  
Nataliya Struk

The purpose of the article is to consider the impact of institutionalization processes and regulations on the development of accounting and auditing services. The research is based on the analysis of the development of the institutional framework for the provision of audit services. Comparisons of the composition of regulatory support with the actual structure of accounting and auditing services on the basis of statistical data of the Audit Chamber of Ukraine for the period from 2011 to 2019 indicate the problems in institutional support. The purpose of the article is to answer the questions: 1) whether the legislative regulation has an impact on the volume of orders for statutory audit; 2) how the regulations have influenced the development of methodological support for the provision of audit services; 3) whether the practice and theory of audit services need convergence at the institutional level. The authors correlate  classification of audit services in normative documents, including documents of the professional organization of auditors. The issue of institutionalization is considered in the context of the interaction of accounting problems at the national level in Ukraine and the practice of auditors. It has been proven that the provision of accounting services and services is a priority in the activities of auditors. A separate area of research is the institutional principles of activity, requirements for quality of work. The study indicated a decrease in the number of audit entities in Ukraine. The results of the study have shown that there are differences between legal regulation and practice. The conclusion of this paper helps to identify vectors in the development of a regulatory framework of audit services national level.


Author(s):  
Akop Vardanyan

The author raises the problem that is common in post-Soviet Russia: counteracting crimes in the sphere of land relationships. Their most dangerous and serial type is transition of the ownership rights to land resources that are public or municipal property, or private property of citizens. The article presents a short historical overview aimed at a deeper and more objective understanding of this phenomenon and studying its origins. The author concludes that an extensive interest of criminals in criminal official registration of land property rights was encouraged by a number of long-term, but often badly coordinated and even contradictory trends in the sphere of land reform that, in the end, led to very unfavorable and paradoxical consequences. The author uses the terminological instruments of the criminalistic teaching on the mechanism of crime and a representative empirical base of 187 researched criminal cases in the sphere of land relationships to examine the specific features of these criminal actions mechanism. The author outlines the structure of the crime mechanism whose understanding is a necessary key to a comprehensive and complete investigation of such actions. The normative documents lack a uniform definition of the term «crimes in the sphere of land relationships», so the author summarizes information from the empirical sources and presents a list of typical offences included in this group, interpreting criminal law norms as sources of information for the development of complex criminalistic methods. The article also includes characteristics of typical subjects of these actions, that are broken into four categories, and the specific features of the methods of committing these crimes. It allowed the author to identify typical gaps in the evidence foundations for the criminal cases of this category and to present methodological and criminalistic recommendations on bridging these gaps through the improvement of the organization of the investigation and the procedural actions themselves.


Author(s):  
Andrey P. Fisenko

The review is devoted to the analysis of the historical stages of the formation of the state system of child health protection in Russia. Innovative organizational technologies of Russian pediatricians were indicated to have become the most important component of the Soviet system of maternal and child health. In Soviet Russia, the issues of child health were priority areas in the social policy of the State. The national character, the creation of a socio-legal base for the protection of motherhood and childhood determined in the country the dynamic development of a network of institutions providing medical and preventive care for children, allowed achieving significant positive results in reducing the infant mortality rate and fighting socially caused forms of pathology in children. The Decade of Childhood determines new promising directions for the development of the system for the protection of motherhood and childhood.


Author(s):  
Yelena V. Larina

The article is devoted to the formation of the system of professional education in the 1920s in Moscow and Moscow Province. The paper highlights the process of creating a system of Central and local authorities of special education. The characteristic of different types of educational institutions is given, statistical data are given. Special attention is paid to the rules of admission to educational institutions, were based on the principle of class selection. On the example of interaction between educational institutions and the Komsomol organisation the author shows the relationship of vocational education and the Communist party. Based on the analysis of the documents, the author concludes on the importance of the development of secondary vocational education in Moscow Region for the socio-economic development of the entire state.


2003 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Knight

This article examines the role of the Committee on State Security (KGB) during the turbulent six-and-a-half years under Mikhail Gorbachev, from March 1985 to December 1991. Contrary to popular impressions, the KGB was never an independent actor in the Soviet system; it acted at the behest of the Communist Party. When Vladimir Kryuchkov replaced Viktor Chebrikov as head of the KGB in 1986, the move signaled what was intended to be a new role for the KGB. But as the reforms launched by Gorbachev became more radical, and as political instability in the Soviet Union became widespread, many in the KGB grew anxious about the possible fragmentation of the country. These concerns were instrumental in the decision by Kryuchkov and other high-ranking KGB officials to organize a hardline coup in August 1991. Even then, however, the KGB was not truly independent of the party. On the contrary, KGB officials were expecting—and then desperately hoping—that Gorbachev would agree to order an all-out crackdown. Because Gorbachev was unwilling to take a direct part in mass repression, Kryuchkov lacked the authority he was seeking to act. As a result, the attempted coup failed, and the KGB was forced onto the defensive. Shortly before the Soviet state was dissolved, the KGB was broken up into a number of agencies that soon came under Russia's direct control.


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