Extracts from the report of the committee on naval affairs, to whom were referred certain communications from the war and Navy Departments on the subject of large wrought-iron guns, and in pursuance of the duty assigned them by the House of Representatives, submit the following report

1844 ◽  
Vol 38 (5) ◽  
pp. 326-331
2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-106
Author(s):  
Khaled Elgindy

This essay looks at the hearing held by the Foreign Affairs Committee of the U.S. House of Representatives in April 1922 on the subject of a Jewish National Home in Palestine, as well as the broader congressional debate over the Balfour Declaration at that crucial time. The landmark hearing, which took place against the backdrop of growing unrest in Palestine and just prior to the League of Nations' formal approval of Britain's Mandate over Palestine, offers a glimpse into the cultural and political mindset underpinning U.S. support for the Zionist project at the time as well as the ways in which the political discourse in the United States has, or has not, changed since then. Despite the overwhelming support for the Zionist project in Congress, which unanimously endorsed Balfour in September 1922, the hearing examined all aspects of the issue and included a remarkably diverse array of viewpoints, including both anti-Zionist Jewish and Palestinian Arab voices.


1977 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-56
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Sawer

Whether words in the singular include the plural or whether words in the plural include the singular is a common problem of statutory interpretation. Acts interpretation legislation of the States and the Commonwealth offer slightly varying presumptions for dealing with the problem. Professor Sawer analyses these presumptions and their application in numerous cases. As well, reforms that would lead to greater clarity and uniformity of such legislation are suggested. The second part of the article explores the special problems regarding singulars and plurals in the context of the Constitution and, in particular, section 57 which provides for the resolution of deadlocks between the Senate and the House of Representatives with regard to “any proposed law”. The High Court's resolution of some of the problems raised when more than one proposed law is the subject of disagreement between the Houses of Parliament is exhaustively analysed. In addition, solutions are offered to a number of judicially unanswered questions relating to section 57 of the Constitution.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-194
Author(s):  
Novianto Murthi Hantoro

Prior to the decision of the Constitutional Court (MK), the implementation of the right to inquiry was regulated in two laws, namely Law No. 6 of 1954 on the Establishment of the Rights of Inquiry of the House of Representatives (DPR) and Law No. 27 of 2009 on MPR, DPR, DPD, and DPRD. Through proposal for judicial review, MK decided the Law on the Rights of Inquiry was null and void because it was not in accordance with the presidential system adopted in the 1945 Constitution. Today, the exercise of the right of inquiry is only based on Law on MPR, DPR, DPD, and DPRD. Nonetheless, the Amendment of Law No. 27 of 2009 into Law No. 17 of 2014 could not accommodate some substances of the null and void Law on the Rights of Inquiry. The urgency of the formulation of the law on the right to inquiry, other than to carry out the Constitutional Court’s decision; are to close the justice gap of the current regulation; to avoid multi-interpretation of the norm, for example on the subject and object of the right of inquiry; and to execute the mandate of Article 20A paragraph (4) of the 1945 Constitution. The regulation on the right to inquiry shall be formulated separately from the Law on MPR, DPR, DPD and DPRD, with at least several substances to be discussed, namely: definition, mechanisms, and procedure, as well as examination of witnesses, expert, and documents. AbstrakSebelum adanya putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK), pelaksanaan hak angket diatur dalam dua undang-undang, yaitu Undang-Undang Nomor 6 Tahun 1954 tentang Penetapan Hak Angket DPR (UU Angket) dan Undang-Undang Nomor 27 Tahun 2009 tentang Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah (UU MPR, DPR, DPD, dan DPRD). Melalui permohonan pengujian undang-undang, MK membatalkan keberlakuan UU Angket karena sudah tidak sesuai dengan sistem presidensial yang dianut dalam UUD 1945. Pelaksanaan hak angket saat ini hanya berdasarkan UU MPR, DPR, DPD, dan DPRD. Penggantian UU No. 27 Tahun 2009 menjadi UU No. 17 Tahun 2014 tentang MPR, DPR, DPD, dan DPRD ternyata tidak mengakomodasi beberapa substansi UU Angket yang telah dibatalkan. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, terdapat urgensi untuk membentuk Undang-Undang tentang Hak Angket DPR RI. Urgensi tersebut, selain sebagai tindak lanjut putusan MK, juga untuk menutup celah kekosongan hukum pada pengaturan saat ini dan untuk menghindari multi-interpretasi norma, misalnya terhadap subjek dan objek hak angket. Pengaturan mengenai hak angket perlu diatur di dalam undang-undang yang terpisah dari UU MPR, DPR, DPD, dan DPRD, dengan materi muatan yang berisi tentang pengertian-pengertian, mekanisme, dan hukum acara. Pembentukan Undang-Undang tentang Hak Angket diperlukan guna memenuhi amanat Pasal 20A ayat (4) UUD 1945.


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 248-275
Author(s):  
Kevin Aquilina

This article analyses the case law of the European Court of Human Rights relating to Parliamentary removal of a judge. The Court’s earlier approach did not extend the right to a fair trial to judicial removal motions before the Maltese unicameral House of Representatives. The Court’s latest case law has reversed its earlier interpretation with all the attendant consequential implications brought about for Malta which now has to amend its Constitution on the subject. This novel landmark interpretation implies that should Parliament attempt to remove a judge, that constitutional procedure will fall foul of the right to a fair trial.


1969 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 787-807 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nelson W. Polsby ◽  
Miriam Gallaher ◽  
Barry Spencer Rundquist

Popular discussions of the internal management of the U.S. House of Representatives in the present era generally give great weight to the ubiquity and arbitrariness of the seniority system as a significant determinant of outcomes there. Careful attention to the scholarly literature, however, should long since have modified this view. For it appears that except for relatively unimportant matters such as the allocation of office space on Capitol Hill, the criterion of seniority is generally intermingled in House decision-making with a great many other crite ria of choice, and the business of choosing is not automatic, but remains in the hands of persons having some considerable discretion. This, apparently, is the case with respect to such decisions as the allocation of Capitol Hill patronage, the initial assignment of Representatives to committees, the distribution of responsibilities within committees, and the choice of party leaders. The one important area in which seniority seems to play a role of overwhelming significance is in the matter of succession to the chairmanship of committees; this is in turn governed by the custom (not a formal rule) of seniority that guarantees members reappointment to committees at the opening of each new Congress, in rank order of committee service. It is the growth of this method of selecting committee chairmen in the House that is the subject of this paper.


1861 ◽  
Vol 151 ◽  
pp. 629-653 ◽  

In his classical researches upon flame, Davy mentions the influence which compression and rarefaction exert upon combustion in atmospheric air. Speaking of his experiments with compressed air, the performance of which presented considerable difficulties, he says, “They show sufficiently that (for certain limits at least) as rarefaction does not diminish considerably the heat of flame in atmospherical air, so neither does condensation consider­ably increase it; a circumstance of great importance in the constitution of our atmosphere, which at all heights or depths at which man can exist, still preserves the same relations to combustion.” His attention was also arrested by the light evolved under similar circumstances, although this phase of the subject does not seem to have attracted more than his cursory attention, and he does not appear to have made any exact quanti­tative determinations of the rate of increase or diminution of the light of combustion. In reference to this point he says, "Both the heat and light of the flames of the taper, of sulphur, and of hydrogen were increased by acting on them by air condensed four times; but not more than they would have been by an addition of 1/5 of oxygen.” And again. "The intensity of the light of flames in the atmosphere is increased by condensation and diminished by rarefaction, apparently in a higher ratio than their heat, more particles capable of emitting light exist in the denser atmospheres, and yet most of these particles in becoming capable of emitting light, absorb h eat; which could not be the case in the condensation of a pure supporting medium.” M.Triger, a French engineer, records some observations on combustion in compressed air, which were made during some engineering operations of a peculiar kind, carried on in working a bed of coal lying beneath the alluvium on the banks of the river Loire. A stratum of quicksand from 59 to 65½ feet thick had to be penetrated; and it was consequently necessary to find some means of excluding the quicksand and water, which it was found impossible to keep out by the ordinary coffer-dams. To overcome this difficulty, M.Triger ingeniously employed stong wrought-iron cylinders about 3¼ feet in diameter, open below and closed at top. These were gradually sunk in the quicksand, whilst the air inside them was compressed to the necessary extent to exclude the outer semifluid matter. The workmen labouring within these cylinders were exposed to a pressure of about three atmospheres; and it was observed that the candles, by which they were lighted, burnt with much greater rapidity than at ordinary atmospheric pressure Respecting this rapid combustion, M. Triger says, “A la pression de trois atmosphéres, cette accélération devient telle que nous avons été obligés de renoncer aux chandelles à mêches de coton pour les remplacer par des chandelles à mêches de fil. Les premiéres brulaient avec une telle rapidité qu’elles duraient à peine un quart d’heure, et elles répandaient en outre une fumée intolérable."


Author(s):  
William Nunes ◽  
Saurabh Anand

The chapter argues that political parties have to incorporate the idea of sustainable development in their manifesto itself. The goals of sustainable development cannot be achieved if the political parties themselves are not committed to it. The goals of sustainability can only be achieve if sustainability is truly integrated into core party values. No major work in the area has been done in India so far. This paper is an attempt to analyse the constitutions and rule of the major national political party while also particularly analysing the manifesto as published from time to time, to examine whether they have, and if yes then how have, they addressed the subject of environment and sustainability. The scope of the analysis of the manifesto mainly focuses on the 2014 election manifestos, as the 2014 election was the most recent election constituting the 16th Lok Sabha (house of representatives).


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-42
Author(s):  
Eric S. Smith

ABSTRACT The direct charitable contribution deduction was an experimental deduction for the 1982–1986 tax years. It represents the only example in the tax laws in which non-itemizers were allowed a charitable contribution deduction in tandem with the standard deduction. This article offers a review of three distinct eras in tax history: the advent of the standard deduction, the enactment of the direct charitable contribution deduction, and its subsequent abandonment. This article clarifies the literature to demonstrate that the direct charitable contribution's demise was not a matter of course. The deduction was made permanent by the House of Representatives. Its extension was the subject of rigorous debate in the Senate and was tabled by only a few votes. This article also considers the prospect of a modern-day direct charitable contribution. Taken on balance, concerns of economic necessity, fiscal viability, and measurable impact on the charitable sector suggest that reinstatement is neither necessary nor a prudent tax subsidy. Modern-day data indicate that non-itemizers are already giving. The tax incentive, therefore, proffered through the non-itemizer charitable contribution deduction would likely have relatively minimal effect on the charitable sector.


1980 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Winterton

The author considers whether the Commonwealth can enact “manner and form” legislation, especially provisions enabling the House of Representatives to enact laws which are the subject of a deadlock between the Houses, and legislation entrenching civil liberties. He argues that the legislative power of the Commonwealth has the same properties as that of the United Kingdom Parliament, which can impose “manner and form” limitations on itself; parliamentary supremacy is procedurally self-embracing. Hence, the Commonwealth Parliament can do likewise, except in so far as the Commonwealth Constitution provides to the contrary. The Constitution does prevent Parliament requiring legislation to be enacted by specified majorities in Parliament, or substituting a new legislature for the present Parliament. But the Commonwealth Parliament can enact provisions requiring legislation to be enacted in a specified form, and can establish an additional legislature for the enactment of legislation, including appropriation laws. Such legislation may be enacted pursuant to the procedure in section 57 of the Constitution, and could provide a method of avoiding a Supply crisis like that of 1975.


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