Beyond the revolving door: Advocacy behavior and social distance to financial regulators

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin L. Young ◽  
Tim Marple ◽  
James Heilman

AbstractThe financial system is governed not just by formal rules but also by social relationships that pervade the elite strata of society. Understanding such dynamics entails understanding complex relational ties between actors, a task that can be facilitated through the use of network analysis. We argue that a latent feature of interest to scholars of the political economy of finance is one of social distance, which is a measurable concept. Using new data from the financial sector, we measure the social distance between a range of financial firms and one key regulator, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), over time to assess whether or not social distance is related to organizations’ advocacy behavior. We find a positive relationship between how close a given organization is to the SEC and how often it engages in advocacy. The result persists when we control for numerous factors related to organizational characteristics, firm size, and when we measure advocacy frequency in different ways.

Author(s):  
Juliane B. Wutzler

This study aims to shed light on the determinants and consequences of the revolving door at the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). While revolvers may be good monitors due to their SEC experience and, thus, continuously create benefits for the economy ("schooling"), it is possible that they exploit their insights into the enforcement process and private connections to undermine enforcement ("regulatory capture"). Using a newly created dataset of revolvers who moved from the SEC to company boards, this study shows that not all revolvers are appointed for the same reasons and create the same benefits for their new employers. I demonstrate that those revolvers most closely involved in the enforcement process are associated with fewer future enforcement actions while accounting quality does not improve. Contrarily, external revolvers seem to use their monitoring and advising duties to improve accounting quality.


Daedalus ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 148 (3) ◽  
pp. 173-180
Author(s):  
Katherine S. Newman

The trenchant essays in this volume pose two critical questions with respect to inequality: First, what explains the eruption of nationalist, xenophobic, and far-right politics and the ability of extremists to gain a toehold in the political arena that is greater than at any time since World War ii? Second, how did the social distance between the haves and have-nots harden into geographic separation that makes it increasingly difficult for those attempting to secure jobs, housing, and mobility-ensuring schools to break through? The answers are insightful and unsettling, particularly when the conversation turns to an action agenda. Every move in the direction of alternatives is fraught because the histories that brought each group of victims to occupy their uncomfortable niche in the stratification order excludes some who should be included or ignores a difference that matters in favor of principles of equal treatment.


Daedalus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 149 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-85
Author(s):  
Susan Chira

Donald Trump's surprise win in 2016 galvanized once-politically quiescent women and jolted those who had believed second-wave feminist victories were enduring. This “resistance” drew on two potent forces: the passion of the newly awakened, primarily grassroots participants; and the organizing experience of professionals and institutions determined to channel that passion into sustainable electoral and policy gains. The movement expanded beyond the political to encompass the social and cultural spheres and gave women of color a place in the spotlight. As women ran for national, state, and local office in record numbers, the #MeToo movement toppled men who once harassed with impunity. Record numbers of women won in the 2018 midterms, retaking the U.S. House of Representatives for the Democrats, and six women declared their candidacy for president in 2020. But it remains unclear whether these gains will be lasting and overcome remaining ambivalence about women and power.


2022 ◽  
pp. 229-264

In a time of a pandemic, people withdraw in order to social distance to protect themselves against infection. The industries that rely on people interacting in close proximity—the service industries, air travel, and other fields—lose their customers almost overnight, and then they lose their employees. Money and jobs become much more scarce almost simultaneously. Meanwhile, saddled with debt and scarce emergency savings, with a pandemic dragging on now for over a year, with dysfunctional government and little stimulus, many Americans are struggling with debt, homelessness, hunger, pressured social relationships, and other challenges. This work explores some available and recent peer-to-peer personal finance advice on the Social Web (in English) on several social platforms to assess their applicability in a challenging historical moment.


2002 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek Hook ◽  
Ian Parker

This paper endeavours to ask how one might rethink essentialized and reified concepts of psychology and psychopathology as they are represented and experienced in the domain of ‘psychological culture’. Deconstruction, a critical mode of reading systems of meaning, and of unravelling the ways these systems work as texts, is the theoretical and methodological tool of choice for this task. The objective here is to critically engage with privileged notions of psychology on the reciprocal levels of both the personal and the political, the subjective and the social. An additional tool that becomes important here, in linking the internal and external deconstructions of psychology, is dialectics. Dialectics is a means of comprehending the relation between different forms of critique and the relation between different domains in which the psychological is worked through. Connecting the spheres of social relationships with individual activity, and the realms of political and personal in this way, enables a critical linking of the individual and the social without reducing one to the other. Engaged, albeit schematically, in this way, psychopathology may be approached as a construct that has been storied into being in psychiatric texts, that has been sedimented in practices which make it look and feel substantial and real. Essentialized in these ways, the abstract notion of psychopathology operates as if it were concrete, whilst the concrete practices surrounding it operate as if they were abstract. To sufficiently critically engage with constructs of psychopathology then, it is necessary to simultaneously grapple with the objective and subjective aspects of the problem, to engage with how ‘normality’ and ‘pathology’ function both in reality and within the subjective grasp they have on us as we read our own experience at each moment as normal or pathological.


Arts ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Dean Kenning

Carl Andre’s opposition between an activating art and a pacifying culture becomes the impetus for wider reflections on artistic autonomy and agency with special reference to how fine art is taught at college. I propose that artistic agency might better be accounted for and enacted by conceiving of it not as something set against or at a distance from culture in general, but ‘as’ culture. Through an overview of various institutional and discursive accounts of artistic production which describe the ways in which art is itself influenced and determined by external factors, and an extended analysis of Raymond Williams theory of culture as ‘collective advance’, I propose that fine art education needs to confront the question of contemporary art’s wider cultural embeddedness, and the political culture of art itself—a politics based in the nature of the social relationships art practice engenders.


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-47
Author(s):  
SEDRATA Yasser

This paper will address the notion of the incommensurable, subjective, and the relativistic tendency of the Post Modern epistemology in judging the social, cognitive, and the political identifiabilities. The legacy of Michelle Foucault and Jack Derrida, which came as a reaction against the entire Enlightenment project, has undermined which was considered as the basic referential testimonio that organize and stratify the epistemological patterns of thought, and gave rise to a new paradigmatic reciprocity that emphasized valuelessness, absence of univocity, and irrationality, in addition, to social, ethnic constructability, and partial subjective finality in holding truth judgmentality. In this paper, the researcher will territorialize the problematic within the triangle of: epistemological relativity, social egalitarianism, and the system of valuelessness that postmodern system calls for. In the light of the latter, we will try to raise the question that under the pretext of incommensurable objective truth, how can we establish an interrelated egalitarian cross cultural atmosphere that insures equal representation for all constituents of the society without conscious or unconscious ideological tendencies that Foucault and Leotard have argued about? Also, how the valueless system is manifested in social relationships, and to which extent is it considered legitimate reactionary counter-argument that is meant to perpetuate certain streamline of thought? The researcher will adopt an investigative qualitative method that analyses the aforementioned in the light of postmodern philosophy.


2014 ◽  
Vol 227 ◽  
pp. R54-R66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Keating ◽  
Malcolm Harvey

An independent Scotland would be a small European state. Small states may be at a disadvantage in world markets but can also adapt successfully. There are different modes of adaptation, notably the market-liberal mode and the social investment state. Either mode is dependent on internal institutions, social relationships and modes of policymaking. It is not possible to pick and choose items of different models since they have an internal coherence. The Scottish White Paper on independence supports the social investment state. Scotland has some, but not all, of the prerequisites for this so that independence would require internal adaptation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 107-190
Author(s):  
Gareth Williams

This passage examines narco-accumulation—or illicit globalization—as a contemporary modality of war with specific existential connotations. It challenges previously sovereign national territory, which is now reconverted into the ritualized performance, living geography, and paramilitary end-game of post-katechontic force. For example, it realigns Mexico’s military-economic relation to the North, while also redefining and intensifying Mexican paramilitary force’s relation of dominance over the impoverished political spaces of, and the migrant bodies that flee from the social violence in, Central America. The national territory of Mexico becomes the new border, the tomb of the proper, the negation of space by space. The passage ends with the image of contemporary Central American migration to the U.S. as the site for an infrapolitical thinking of existence, capable of undermining the domination of the political over existence. This is the clearing promised throughout the book.


Afro-Ásia ◽  
2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafael De Bivar Marquese

<p><strong>Resumo</strong></p><p><strong></strong>O artigo procura entender como<em> </em>a Guerra Civil norte-americana (1861-1865) conformou o quadro da crise da escravidão no Brasil. Para tanto, ele é desenvolvido em dois planos. O primeiro se refere ao impacto político direto da Guerra Civil, da abolição em 1865 e da Reconstrução sobre o debate político e as deliberações parlamentares relativas à escravidão no Brasil, com as lentes especialmente voltadas para o período de 1861 a 1871. O segundo se reporta ao impacto do notável crescimento econômico dos Estados Unidos <em>postbellum</em> sobre as relações sociais escravistas do Império do Brasil, após a aprovação da lei do ventre livre em 1871.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>The article seeks to understand how the U.S. Civil War (1861-1865) triggered the crisis of slavery in Brazil. It explores two main aspects of this process: first, the political impact of the Civil War, U. S. slave emancipation in 1865, and Reconstruction on the political debates and parliamentary decisions regarding slavery in Brazil, especially in the period between 1861 and 1871; second, the impact of U.S. postbellum economic growth on the social relations of slavery in the Brazilian empire, after the passing of the Free Womb law in 1871.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>slavery, abolition, US Civil War, Brazilian Empire</p>


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document