The Emerging Predominant Party System in Turkey

2012 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebnem Gumuscu

In the Turkish national elections of 12 June 2011 the ruling Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP, Justice and Development Party) registered an exceptional success in Turkish democracy. For the first time, an incumbent party had managed to increase its votes for three elections in a row and established its predominance. This article argues that the AKP, like the Christian Democrats in Italy, Liberal Democrats in Japan or Social Democrats in Sweden, has established a cycle of dominance that includes initial mobilization, expansion of core support through material benefits, delegitimization of the opposition and selective use of ideological rigidity and flexibility. It is through this cycle that the AKP consolidated its position as a right-wing party, unifying centre-right and Islamic constituencies and thereby accomplishing what the other right-wing parties in Turkey had failed to do in the past.

2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Decker ◽  
Philipp Adorf

The 2017 federal election illustrated the transformation of Germany’s political party system with six parties managing to enter the Bundestag. With the Christian and Social Democrats finally coming to an agreement almost half a year after the election, a grand coalition is set to govern for two consecutive terms for the very first time. The Alternative for Germany’s success also signaled the definite parliamentary establishment of right-wing populism in Germany. Multiparty coalitions that bridge ideological gulfs as the political fringe has grown in size are a new reality that must be accommodated. The 2017 election and subsequent arduous negotiations point towards a period of uncertainty and further upheaval for Germany’s party system.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 947-968 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua C Gordon

AbstractOver the past 25 years, Sweden has gone from having one of the most generous unemployment benefit systems among the rich democracies to one of the least. This article advances a multi-causal explanation for this unexpected outcome. It shows how the benefit system became a target of successive right-wing governments due to its role in fostering social democratic hegemony. Employer groups, radicalized by the turbulent 1970s more profoundly than elsewhere, sought to undermine the system, and their abandonment of corporatism in the early 1990s limited unions’ capacity to restrain right-wing governments in retrenchment initiatives. Two further developments help to explain the surprising political resilience of the cuts: the emergence of a private (supplementary) insurance regime and a realignment of working-class voters from the Social Democrats to parties of the right, especially the nativist Sweden Democrats, in the context of a liberal refugee/asylum policy.


2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Decker ◽  
Lazaros Miliopoulos

Right-wing extremist and populist parties operate in a rather difficult social and political environment in Germany, rendering notable electoral success fairly improbable, especially when compared to other European countries. The main reason for this is the continuing legacy of the Nazi past. Nevertheless the neo-Nazi National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) managed to gain substantial votes in recent Land elections and became the leading force in the right-wing extremist political camp. Its success is attributable to rightwing extremist attitudes in some parts of the electorate in connection with a widespread feeling of political discontent. Nevertheless, it is questionable whether the NPD will be able to transform these attitudes into a viable ideological basis for two main reasons. On the one hand, maintaining a neo-Nazi ideology makes the NPD unattractive to many potential voters. On the other hand, given its internal power struggles and severe financial problems, the party may be unable to meet its challenges in organizational terms.


2021 ◽  
pp. 247-283
Author(s):  
Marc Debus ◽  
Holger Döring ◽  
Alejandro Ecker

This chapter aims at presenting the characteristics of cabinets in Germany, in particular for the cabinets formed since the beginning of the twenty-first century. The chapter covers two decades of coalition dynamics and an era that has led to significant changes in German politics in general and the German party system in particular. The electoral support for the two catch-all parties – Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) and Social Democrats (SPD) decreased in that time period, while the increased number of parliamentary parties and the increasing vote share for the smaller parties resulted in a more complex bargaining environment. We also discuss changes in the policy profiles of the parliamentary parties and how potential coalitions are discussed during election campaigns. The chapter provides first a brief overview on the institutional setting in which parties in Germany act and which influences the government-formation process, as well as the daily business of coalition governance. In a second step, we outline recent dynamics in the structure of the German party system. The final section summarizes the findings, considers if an overall trend in terms of changes in coalition governance exists in Germany, and discusses the impact of the parliamentary presence of a left- and a right-wing ‘pariah’ party—The Left and the Alternative for Germany—for coalition politics in Germany in the future.


2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-284
Author(s):  
Lothar Probst

The state election in Bremen in 2019 was marked by a head-to-head race between SPD and CDU and ended up with a considerably increased turnout and a historical result . The Christian Democrats managed to beat the Social Democrats for the first time in Bremen’s postwar history . The Greens achieved their second-best outcome in a Bremen state election and had the choice between a so-called Jamaica coalition or a left coalition . Whereas the pragmatic oriented Left Party succeeded to accomplish a two-digit result of 11 .3 percent, the Liberals and the Alternative of Germany underperformed with an outcome of about six percent of the votes . After a round of exploratory negotiations between Christian Democrats, Greens, and Liberals on the one hand and between Social Democrats, Greens, and The Left on the other hand, the rank and file of the Green Party decided to hold coalition talks with Social Democrats and the Left Party . Once the red-green-red coalition was built, the Senate’s president and SPD front-runner, Carsten Sieling, resigned . Instead, Andreas Bovenschulte became the Senate’s new president . Bovenschulte is a former chairman of Bremen’s Social Democrats and had already been elected to lead the SPD parliamentary party .


1947 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 700-732
Author(s):  
Foster H. Sherwood

The oft-heard argument in behalf of federalism that the states furnish important laboratories for social and political experimentation is illustrated by a good many new constitutional provisions interpreted for the first time this year. Two states, Missouri and Georgia, adopted entirely new constitutions in 1945, important sections of which have come before the highest courts for interpretation. One of these, the Georgia constitution of 1945, provides specifically: “Legislative acts in violation of this constitution or the constitution of the United States, are void, and the judiciary shall so declare them.” Such a provision may very well raise more questions than it settles—for example, what effects can be accorded unconstitutional acts?; can the other agencies of government refuse to perform under statutes they consider unconstitutional?; can the judiciary declare acts of the governor and other officers unconstitutional?; etc. Such questions have not as yet been raised. But there is some evidence that we may be embarking on an era of constitutional revision similar to that which followed the Civil War. If so, the problems of constitutional law now being discussed may furnish a clue to the kind of new documents to be written. This year the emphasis has been on civil rights and methods of adjusting state finances to the rapidly fluctuating value of the dollar—problems which naturally arise out of the intense social and economic conflicts of the past decade.


1961 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Richard Lowenthal

The policy declaration and the appeal to the peoples of the world adopted last December by the Moscow conference of eighty-one Communist parties mark the end of one phase in the dispute between the leaderships of the ruling parties of China and the Soviet Union—the phase in which the followers of Mao for the first time openly challenged the standing of the Soviet Communists as the fountain-head of ideological orthodoxy for the world movement. But the “ideological dispute” which began in April was neither a sudden nor a self-contained development: it grew out of acute differences between the two Communist Great Powers over concrete diplomatic issues, and it took its course in constant interaction with the changes in Soviet diplomatic tactics. Hence the total impact of that phase on Soviet foreign policy on one side, and on the ideology, organisation and strategy of international Communism on the other, cannot be evaluated from an interpretation of the Moscow documents alone, but only from a study of the process as a whole, as it developed during the past year on both planes.


2011 ◽  
Vol 29 (9) ◽  
pp. 1663-1672 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Kawano ◽  
S. Ohtani ◽  
T. Uozumi ◽  
T. Tokunaga ◽  
A. Yoshikawa ◽  
...  

Abstract. We have analyzed an event on 14 February 2003 in which Cluster satellites and the CPMN ground magnetometer chain made simultaneous observations of a Pi 2 pulsation along the same meridian. Three of the four Cluster satellites were located outside the plasmasphere, while the other one was located within the plasmasphere. By combining the multipoint observations in space and the multipoint observations on the ground, we have obtained a detailed L-profile of the Pi 2 signatures, which has not been done in the past. In addition, we have used a method called Independent Component Analysis (ICA) to separate out other superposed waves with similar spectral components. The result shows that the wave phase of the Pi 2 was the same up to L ∼ 3.9 (corresponding to the plasmasphere), became earlier up to L ∼ 4.1 (corresponding to the plasmapause boundary layer), and showed a delaying tendency up to L ∼ 5.9 (corresponding to the plasmatrough). This systematic phase pattern, obtained for the first time by a combination of a ground magnetometer chain and multisatellites along a magnetic meridian with the aid of ICA, supports the interpretation that a Pi 2 signal propagated from a farther source and reached the plasmasphere.


Author(s):  
Walter Garstang

Until the spring of 1899 the true or common octopus (Octopus vulgaris, L.) had been comparatively rare in the neighbourhood of Plymouth during the past ten or twelve years—i.e. since the opening of the Plymouth Laboratory in 1888. Specimens could only be obtained for the aquarium at long intervals, in spite of the tempting inducements offered to fishermen. As much as ten shillings has more than once been given to fishermen for a specimen of this voracious mollusk. On the other hand, the smaller and less powerful octopod known as Eledone cirrosa was almost always obtainable, and the octopus tank in the aquarium was rarely devoid of several specimens.In the early part of last year (1899) the situation began to change, and we were for the first time able to keep the tank supplied with a number of true octopus, since which date there has been no difficulty in procuring an unlimited number of specimens, either from the professional fishermen or in the ordinary course of our own fishing operations.We noticed this increase in the abundance of octopus before there was any means of judging whether it was a purely local phenomenon, or was observable over a wider area. The first specimens were brought to us in January, and from May onwards they were obtained in increasing abundance. Early in the same year, however (though I have no exact record of the date), a visitor from the Channel Islands informed me that the increase of octopus in those islands was so great as to have already caused much damage to the shell fisheries there, since the octopus entered the pots of the fishermen, and destroyed the crabs and lobsters which had been caught.


Author(s):  
David Bagchi

The reign of Henry VIII represented a transitional phase in the religious history of England. Despite a brief flirtation with Protestantism in the 1530s, the regime never adopted a full-throated Reformation, and by the end of the reign English Christians were still required to accept nearly all the doctrines and customs that had prevailed in 1509. On the other hand, the break with Rome, the effective rejection of the doctrine of Purgatory, and the severe pruning of the cult of the saints represented a clear discontinuity with the past. Above all, the regime’s decision to legalize the English Bible for the first time in 130 years, and to require every parish church to obtain a copy, influenced the direction of English Christianity, and of English literature, for decades to come.


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