scholarly journals Bank Rescue Schemes in Continental Europe: The Power of Collective Inaction

2014 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 426-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cornelia Woll
Keyword(s):  
Public Support ◽  
Banking Regulation ◽  
Government Support ◽  
Burden Sharing ◽  
Financial Industry ◽  
German Government ◽  
The Public ◽  
Government Relations ◽  
Industry Response ◽  
The Government

Comparing bank rescue schemes in France and Germany during the banking crisis of 2008–9, this article argues that collective inaction is a little-studied aspect in the exercise of power in business–government relations. Contrary to studies that focus on lobbying, structural power or the influence of beliefs, the comparison highlights that governments depend on contributions from the financial industry during crisis management. In the negotiations to design bank support schemes, some countries, such as France, succeeded in engaging their financial sector collectively. Such public–private burden-sharing arrangements alleviate the public budget and increase mutual surveillance between banks during government support. In other countries, such as Germany, a collectively organized industry response failed, which forced the government to design an entirely public support scheme. The German government reacted to this perceived imbalance by imposing tighter banking regulation to avoid a repetition of the impotence it experienced in 2008.

Discursive Democracy and New Labour: Five Ways in Which Decision-Makers Manage Citizen Agendas in Public Participation Initiatives

2004 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mike Williams
Keyword(s):  
Public Participation ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Local Authority ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Final Analysis ◽  
New Labour ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
The Public ◽  
Labour Policy ◽  
The Government

New Labour's conceptualisation of public participation in local government creates a tension in public participation practice. Government legislation and guidance require local authorities to develop and provide citizen-centred services, engage the public in policy-making and respond to the public's views. Seen in this light, New Labour policy draws from radical democratic discourse. However, local authority staff are also expected to act in accordance with the direction set by their line managers, the Council and the government and to inform, engage and persuade the public of the benefit of their authority's policies. In this respect, New Labour policy draws from the discursive model of civil society, conceptualising public participation as a method for engendering civil ownership of the formal structures of representative democracy. Tension is likely to arise when the ideas, opinions and values of the local authority differ from those expressed by the participating public. This paper uses a local ‘public participation’ initiative to investigate how the tension is managed in practice. The study shows how decision-makers dealt with the tension by using participatory initiatives to supply information, understand the views of the public and encourage public support around pre-existing organisational agendas. Problems occurred when citizens introduced new agendas by breaking or manipulating the rules of participation. Decision-makers responded by using a number of distinctive methods for managing citizens’ agendas, some of which were accompanied by strategies for minimising the injury done to citizens’ motivations for further participation. The paper concludes that New Labour policy fails to deal with the tensions between the radical and discursive models of participation and in the final analysis draws mainly from the discursive model of participation. Furthermore, whilst New Labour policy promotes dialogue between the public and local authority, it does not empower local authority staff to achieve the goal of citizen-centred policy-making.

UK policy for the conservation and rural economy of the hills and uplands

1994 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
G. F. Waters
Keyword(s):  
Rural Economy ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Vital Role ◽  
Government Support ◽  
Environmental Benefit ◽  
Economic Support ◽  
The Government ◽  
Hill Farming ◽  
Grant Scheme

AbstractThere has been a long history, nearly 50 years, of support by the government for farming in the upland areas and the modern schemes continue the essential features of support that have been developed over the years. However the justification for the support has changed with time, from maximizing production to more social issues. It is now being recognized that the hill farmer's efforts have helped create and maintain one of our most attractive national assets and it is this environmental benefit which increasingly provides much of the justification for continued public support for hill farming. So the government's policies are important in two respects: the vital rôle of economic support and the encouragement of farmers to manage their land with greater concern for the environment.On the economic front, one of the most important ways that support is provided to upland farming is through HLCAs. Also vitally important are the EC sheepmeat regime and the changes made to that regime and the EC beef regime in the recent CAP reform settlement.The government's encouragement of farmers to manage their land with greater concern for the environment is increasing in importance and there are a number of ways in which this encouragement is delivered. The government has built on the success of Environmentally Sensitive Areas. As well as ESAs, there are other schemes available to farmers such as the Farm and Conservation Grant Scheme. In addition, an opportunity to develop a coherent framework for the delivery of a number of environmental schemes has presented itself as a result of the CAP reform. However, Government support should not be thought of as the only source of extra income for hill farmers. The farmer and the farmer's family should use every opportunity open to them to maximize their income.

Venezuela through the Prism of Pan-Germanism: Towards Understanding the Venezuelan Crisis (1902-1903) in German Society

2021 ◽  
pp. 79
Author(s):  
Alexander Turygin
Keyword(s):  
South America ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
German Society ◽  
World War ◽  
German Government ◽  
The Public ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
First World

The article deals with the formation of German colonial ideology in South America. The example of Venezuela is used to study the "discovery" of South America by German society in the late 19th — early 20th centuries, as well as the controversial policy of establishing Germany on the other side of the Atlantic. Germany's participation in the Venezuelan crisis (1902-1903) demonstrates the split in German society between the government and the nationalist-minded part of society, the manipulation of whose consciousness becomes a means of non-political influence for the Pan-German league (Alldeutscher Verband). The Venezuelan crisis, as part of the local diplomatic crises on the eve of the First World War, demonstrates the interest of the German government in the new status of a "world power", although national identity is now formed by German nationalists. Since there is no unity between official Berlin and the public in understanding the essence of colonialism, a paradox arises, which has become the subject of scientific study relatively recently. The article also problematizes one of the classic theses of imperialist theory the economic expansion is followed by territorial claims.

Corruption and the Public Service Ethos in Mid-Victorian Administration: The Case of Leonard Horner and the Factory Office*

2020 ◽  
Vol 135 (575) ◽  
pp. 860-891
Author(s):  
Ian Cawood
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
The Public ◽  
Victorian Britain ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Changing Attitudes

Abstract While the problem of political corruption in mid-nineteenth century Britain has been much studied, the experience of corrupt behaviour in public bodies, both new and long established, is comparatively neglected. This article takes the example of one of the first inspectorates set up after the Great Reform Act, the Factory Office, to examine the extent of corrupt practices in the British civic state and the means whereby it was addressed. It examines the changing processes of appointment, discipline and promotion, the issues of remuneration and venality, and the relationships between inspectors, workers, factory owners, the government and the wider civil service, and the press and public opinion. The article argues that the changing attitudes of the inspectors, especially those of Leonard Horner, were indicative of a developing ‘public service ethos’ in both bureaucratic and cultural settings and that the work of such unsung administrators was one of the agencies through which corrupt behaviour in the civic structures of Victorian Britain was, with public support, challenged. The article concludes that the endogenous reform of bureaucratic practice achieved by the factory inspectorate may even be of equal significance as that which resulted from the celebrated Northcote–Trevelyan Report of 1854.

scholarly journals Responsibilization and Sexual Stigma Under Austerity: Surveying Public Support for Government-Funded PrEP in England

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 643-653
Author(s):  
Timothy Hildebrandt ◽  
Leticia Bode ◽  
Jessica S. C. Ng
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Public Attitudes ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
The Public ◽  
Sexual Stigma ◽  
The Government ◽  
Original Survey ◽  
Media Narratives

Abstract Introduction Under austerity, governments shift responsibilities for social welfare to individuals. Such responsibilization can be intertwined with pre-existing social stigmas, with sexually stigmatized individuals blamed more for health problems due to “irresponsible” sexual behavior. To understand how sexual stigma affects attitudes on government healthcare expenditures, we examine public support for government-provisioned PrEP in England at a time when media narratives cast the drug as an expensive benefit for a small, irresponsible social group and the National Health Service’s long-term sustainability was in doubt. Methods This paper uses data from an original survey (N = 738) conducted in September 2016, when public opinion should be most sensitive to sexual stigma. A survey experiment tests how the way beneficiaries of PrEP were described affected support for NHS provision of it. Contrary to expectations, we found that support was high (mean = 3.86 on a scale of 1 to 5) irrespective of language used or beneficiary group mentioned. Differences between conditions were negligible. Discussion Sexual stigma does not diminish support for government-funded PrEP, which may be due to reverence for the NHS; resistance to responsibilization generally; or just to HIV, with the public influenced by sympathy and counter-messaging. Social policy implications Having misjudged public attitudes, it may be difficult for the government to continue to justify not funding PrEP; the political rationale for contracting out its provision is unnecessary and flawed. With public opinion resilient to responsibilization narratives and sexual stigma even under austerity, welfare retrenchment may be more difficult than social policymakers presume.

scholarly journals Sontaku and political scandals in Japan

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-45
Author(s):  
Matthew M. Carlson
Keyword(s):  
Design Methodology ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Special Treatment ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Public ◽  
Japanese Politics ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Scandals ◽  
Specific Construction

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explain a new scandal ingredient in Japanese politics called sontaku. This word refers to cases when officials grant special treatment to a project because they believe they are acting in accordance with the wishes of an associated powerful person.Design/methodology/approachThis paper describes the specific construction of major scandals involving sontaku from 2017 based primarily on newspaper accounts, examines the consequences of these scandals for politicians and bureaucrats, and discusses their implications for combating corruption in Japan.FindingsThe scandals after 2017 damaged to some extent the public support for the current Japanese administration and influenced the prime minister's decision to call a snap election. The scandals also highlighted systematic problems in the bureaucracy and motivated the government to reform laws concerning the management of public documents.Originality/valueThis paper will be useful to scholars and policy makers interested in studying the causes and consequences of scandals and political corruption in Japan.

Government relations, government regulations: Jumping through the hoops

2002 ◽  
Vol 8 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 83-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Yellowlees
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Health Service ◽  
Health Service Delivery ◽  
Government Funding ◽  
Policy Initiative ◽  
Government Regulations ◽  
Broadband Internet ◽  
The Public ◽  
Government Relations ◽  
The Government

summary Over the last decade, telehealth in Australia has been primarily facilitated and driven by government funding. The government now has a major policy initiative in online health. However, in pursuing the broad initiative there is a danger that some of the smaller components can get lost, and this is probably what has happened to telehealth. There appear to be a number of steps required if telehealth in Australia is to keep up the pace of development that occurred in the 1990s, as we move into what is now being called the era of e-health, involving broadband Internet health service delivery. This area is changing extremely rapidly and is increasingly migrating away from the public sector in Australia, where most of the developmental work has occurred, and into the private sector. Many of the issues that require consideration within the domain of e-health in Australia are also relevant to other countries. E-health will significantly change the way that health-care is practised in future, and it is clear that it is the human factors that are more difficult to overcome, rather than the technological ones.

Funding of contraceptive research

1976 ◽  
Vol 195 (1118) ◽  
pp. 37-55 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Fertility Control ◽  
Government Support ◽  
World Population ◽  
The Public ◽  
Pharmaceutical Firms ◽  
The Past ◽  
Fundamental Research ◽  
The Government ◽  
Improved Methods

This paper presents data on financial support of the reproductive sciences and contraceptive development assembled in the course of a two-year review of research funding by an international group of scientists and scientific administrators. Until the mid-1960s, research in reproduction was supported primarily by university budgets, philanthropic funds, and pharmaceutical firms. This research received only an insignificant share of the government support of biomedical research which grew rapidly following World War II. Establishment in the U. S. of the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development in 1963 ushered in a decade of rapid growth of government funding for the field. Expressed in terms of constant dollars (1970 = 100), total world support from all sources reached a peak of $100 million in 1972 and 1973 and declined in 1974 and 1975. Over the past decade, governments have become the major source of support for the field, as the proportion contributed by private foundations and pharmaceutical firms has declined. While the major impetus for recent support of the reproductive sciences has stemmed from concern with world population growth, and hence is part of an effort to find improved methods of fertility control, fundamental research has received nearly 60% of the funding throughout the past decade while applied contraceptive research has received about 30 %. As pharmaceutical firm expenditures have become a smaller proportion of the total funds involved in contraceptive development, they have been supplemented by missionoriented programmes in the public sector devoted to this effort.

scholarly journals Analisa dan Perancangan Penjualan Gerabah Berbasis Web Sebagai Sentra Kerajinan Kabupaten Jepara

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-63
Author(s):  
Diana Laily Fithri ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Sales Promotion ◽  
Government Support ◽  
Conventional System ◽  
The Public ◽  
Marketing Area ◽  
The Government ◽  
Development Methods

Pottery craft in Jepara district precisely in Mayong area is a small-medium handicraft industry that has not received the government support in pebuh also do not have wide marketing area, because the average still use conventional system that only rely on the buyer come home to make a purchase and ordering the pottery. The results of pottery crafts include pitchers, plates, flower pots, etc. With the lack of sales promotion of pottery, then made gerabah-based sales system using waterfall-based and website-based development methods that can be accessed by the public at large, whose goal will be to increase revenue turnover for the craft.

scholarly journals Muerte y recuperación de empresas colombianas

2011 ◽  
pp. 163-299
Author(s):  
Alvaro Delgado Guzmán
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
Government Support ◽  
Labor Laws ◽  
The Public ◽  
Union Leaders ◽  
Crisis Recovery ◽  
The Government ◽  
Industrial Crisis ◽  
Manufacturing History ◽  
Made In

Este texto sintetiza la indagación del autor en torno a la desaparición de empresas manufactureras colombianas y a algunos esfuerzos de rescate de las mismas, realizados por sus trabajadores, cuando los primeros efectos de la globalización empezaron a sentirse en muchos medios. Se trata de un intento en cierta manera pionero en Colombia, tal vez por lo mismo que el fenómeno paso notoriamente inadvertido por la opinión pública, debido tanto al amparo gubernamental de que gozaron los empresarios para eludir las leyes laborales y deshacerse fácilmente de los trabajadores “sobrantes”, como a la débil resistencia y a veces indiferencia que el atropello despertó en las directivas sindicales. La desaparición de empresas simbólicas de la vida social colombiana, grandes y medianas, ha borrado rápidamente de la memoria nacional el aporte que empresarios criollos y trabajadores hicieron a la técnica, la calidad y la presentación de la producción nacional atesoradas en un siglo de historia de la manufactura. Death and Recovery of Colombian Companies This article synthesizes the author’s inquiry about the disappearance of Colombian manufacturing forms, and some rescue efforts made by their workers when the first effects of globalization began to be felt in our midst. In some way, this is a pioneering attempt in Colombia, since the phenomenon became well unnoticed by the public, because both, the employers had the government support to circumvent labor laws and to drive out easily the workers “surplus”, as well as the feeble resistence and sometimes indifference of union leaders. The disappearance of symbolic firms in Colombian social life, large and medium, quickly erased the memory of the contribution that national employers and workers made in techniques, quality and presentation of national productions treasured along a century of manufacturing history. Keywords: Globalization, Industrial Crisis, Recovery Companies, Unionism.

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