scholarly journals Cooperation and Security: Examining the Political Discourse on Natural Gas Transit in Ukraine and Slovakia

Energies ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (22) ◽  
pp. 5969
Author(s):  
Kateryna Yakovenko ◽  
Matúš Mišík
Keyword(s):  
Natural Gas ◽  
Energy Security ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Fossil Fuel ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nord Stream ◽  
Under Construction ◽  
The Eu

The COVID-19 pandemic appeared in the midst of developing the European Green Deal, the most ambitious project to decarbonise the EU’s economy to date. Among other issues, the project highlighted the challenges connected to the long-term role of natural gas as a fossil fuel in the European economy. Moreover, the changes to the gas architecture caused by the development of new import infrastructure (especially Nord Stream and its extension, which is currently under construction) put additional pressure on the transit countries, mainly of which are linked to the Brotherhood pipeline. These have been strong supporters of natural gas utilisation and harsh critics of new pipelines that circumvent their territories, as they consider energy transit to be an important part of their energy sectors. This research examines the political discourse on gas transit in Slovakia and Ukraine in order to identify the main arguments connected to these positions. The paper examines a total of 233 textual units from both countries for the period 2014–2018. It concludes that, while Ukraine sees transit predominantly through the lens of cooperation with the EU and other actors, the Slovak political discourse considers gas transit in terms of energy security and the availability of gas for the national economy.

The Neglected Tradition? – The Genesis of the EU Seal Products Trade Ban and Commercial Sealing

2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 417-450 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolas Sellheim
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Making Process ◽  
Negative Impacts ◽  
The Eu

Abstract The European Union’s ban on the placing on the market of seal products stemming from commercially hunted seals has triggered much controversy due to its negative impacts on Arctic livelihoods. This article looks at the different documents and steps that constitute the crafting process which has led to the adoption of Regulation 1007/2009 on trade in seal products. It puts special emphasis on the degree of recognition of commercial sealing as a livelihood and asks if it is a tradition that may have been neglected by the political discourse in the EU. Also the role of antisealing groups is considered that may have contributed to a pre-determined stance on the commercial seal hunt during the policy-making process.

The geopolitical dimensions of the TurkStream pipeline

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 101-121
Author(s):  
Kinga Smoleń
Keyword(s):  
Natural Gas ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
The One ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
The Eu

The empirical goal of this paper is to conduct an analysis of the geopolitical dimensions of the TurkStream pipeline, with special consideration given to its determinants as well as a diagnosis of the geopolitical implicationsof its geographical extent. To explore this problem, the following hypotheses are offered. First, the inauguration of the second branch of the TurkStream pipeline in the beginning of 2020 will strengthen the monopolistic positionof Russia as a supplier of natural gas to the countries of the European Union.This will increase the dependency of the EU on Russia and severely hamper itsability to formulate a unified, cohesive energy policy. Second, two factors that underlie the geopolitical importance of the TurkStream pipeline are Turkey’s and Southern Europe’s natural gas needs on the one hand and the political and economic interests of Russia, Turkey, and Ukraine on the other. Third, theTurkStream project should be seen as an instrument that serves to build a tactical partnership between Turkey and Russia – a partnership underpinned by the strategic interests of both countries in the Middle East. Fourth and finally, Russia’s gradual withdrawal from directing its natural gas through Ukraine will generate serious economic problems and potential energy shortages in that country. In the long term, this pressure is geared toward forcing Ukraine to re-evaluate the pro-Western trajectory of its foreign policy.

scholarly journals The role of LNG supplies in balancing natural gas demand in EU countries

2019 ◽  
Vol 108 ◽  
pp. 02014
Author(s):  
Rafał Biały ◽  
Piotr Janusz ◽  
Mariusz Łaciak ◽  
Tadeusz Olkuski ◽  
Mariusz Ruszel ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Energy Consumption ◽  
Energy Balance ◽  
Natural Gas ◽  
Primary Energy ◽  
Eu Countries ◽  
Natural Gas Demand ◽  
Gas Supply ◽  
The Eu

Over the last decade, developments could be observed in the structure of primary energy consumption in EU countries. In order to achieve the goals, energy carriers with minimum impact on the natural environment are used, and natural gas is considered to be such a fuel. The share of natural gas in the EU’s energy balance in the analysed period, from 2000 to 2016, remained at a relatively stable level. However, in the case of individual countries, its share in the energy balance depends on specific characteristics of a country. Regardless of the share of natural gas in the energy consumption structure of individual countries, they strive to diversify the supply of natural gas. One of the main constituents of natural gas supply diversification is the construction of LNG import terminals. Access to this infrastructure enhances energy security and offers better opportunities when negotiating long-term contracts for the supply of natural gas. The EU possesses significant possibilities of importing natural gas through LNG terminals, but until now they have been used to a limited extent, it may indicate that in addition todiversification tasks, terminals are a guarantee in the event ofinterruptions in gas supplies using gas pipelines.

23. Energy and foreign policy

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amelia Hadfield
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Natural Gas ◽  
National Security ◽  
Energy Security ◽  
Economic Security ◽  
The Political ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
European Markets

This chapter examines the role of energy in foreign policy by focusing on Russia’s decision in 2006 to temporarily stop the flow of natural gas to the Ukraine, along with its impact on European markets. It first explains how energy contributes to national prosperity and underwrites national security, noting that states now desire energy security in the same way that they desire military and economic security. It then considers the political significance of energy during the post-Cold War years before discussing the ‘gas spat’ between Russia and Ukraine. It also explores the European energy insecurity dilemma that followed the spat and shows that much of the current tensions afflicting Europe and Russia are driven by an inability to manage energy security as a potent area of foreign policy.

scholarly journals The Outcome of Directive 2009/73/EC Amendment on EU’s Natural Gas Security

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-98
Author(s):  
Javad Keypour
Keyword(s):  
Natural Gas ◽  
Energy Security ◽  
Security Analysis ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Political Analysis ◽  
Research Findings ◽  
Per Se ◽  
Nord Stream ◽  
European Technology ◽  
The Eu

AbstractThe European Commission has proposed an amendment on the Gas Directive 2009/73/EC to broaden the applicability of the Directive to all gas pipelines from/to the EU including Nord Stream 2. This research focuses on the question of whether the amendment can really boost EU’s natural gas security, by hindering Nord Stream 2. Thematic analysis has been employed as the methodology for analyzing collected data from primary and secondary sources, and relying on a legal and political analysis. The research findings show that although the amendment hinders Nord Stream 2, it also affects the operation of the existing interconnectors adversely. It also declines investors’ tendency for planned pipelines, which lowers EU’s energy security. Moreover, empowerment of the Commission in the proposed amendment curtails Member States’ plans to enhance their energy security. In addition, the security analysis of the research shows that Moscow’s ability to take advantage of its “energy weapon” is being defied because of dependence on European technology and finance, particularly under the sanction condition. Therefore, restraining Russian gas in the European market will not result in a higher level of energy security since reliable and affordable alternatives are not so available. Hence, all four elements of energy security—that is, affordability, availability, accessibility, and acceptability—are jeopardized by the proposed amendment. The current study concludes that although the amendment is expected to boost the energy security of the Union, it may now turn into a threat per se.

The Role of Italy in the Development of Energy Cooperation between Kazakhstan and the EU

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lyailya Nurgaliyeva
Keyword(s):  
Significant Role ◽  
Full Text ◽  
Energy Security ◽  
Oil Field ◽  
Energy Cooperation ◽  
The Eu

This paper focuses on the contribution of Italy to the development of energy cooperation between Kazakhstan and the EU, focusing on the specific case of the Kashagan oil field. I argue that Italy, as the largest importer of Kazakhstan’s oil, can play a significant role in the diversification of energy export routes from Kazakhstan and in the introduction of new European technologies. In turn, Kazakhstan can play a prominent role in ensuring the energy security of the EU, especially after the 2014 Crimea incident. I posit that recent Italy-Kazakhstan relations shows how a medium-sized power such as Italy can be important in leading a larger block of countries into a new field of investment and development.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v9i1.244

Social Cohesion, Breaks, and Transformations in Italy, 535–600

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter Pohl
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Late Antique ◽  
Religious Context ◽  
Ancient Society ◽  
Complex Process ◽  
Term Change ◽  
Two Generations ◽  
Classical Culture

When the Gothic War began in Italy in 535, the country still conserved many features of classical culture and late antique administration. Much of that was lost in the political upheavals of the following decades. Building on Chris Wickham’s work, this contribution sketches an integrated perspective of these changes, attempting to relate the contingency of events to the logic of long-term change, discussing political options in relation to military and economic means, and asking in what ways the erosion of consensus may be understood in a cultural and religious context. What was the role of military entrepreneurs of more or less barbarian or Roman extraction in the distribution or destruction of resources? How did Christianity contribute to the transformation of ancient society? The old model of barbarian invasions can contribute little to understanding this complex process. It is remarkable that for two generations, all political strategies in Italy ultimately failed.

scholarly journals Circular Agreements—Exploring the Role of Agreements and Deals as a Political Tool for a Circular Economy

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nils Johansson
Keyword(s):  
Value Chain ◽  
Circular Economy ◽  
Policy Instruments ◽  
Alternative Form ◽  
Advantages And Disadvantages ◽  
Free Rider Problem ◽  
Political Governance ◽  
The Eu

AbstractA problem for a circular economy, embedded in its policies, tools, technologies and models, is that it is driven by the interests and needs of producers, rather than customers and users. This opinion paper focuses on an alternative form of governance—agreements, which thanks to their bargaining approach brings actors from across the value chain into the policy process. The purpose of this opinion paper is to uncover and analyse the potential of such agreements for a circular economy. Circular agreements aim at increasing the circulation of materials and are an emerging form of political governance within the EU. These agreements have different names, involve different actors and govern in different ways. However, circular agreements seem to work when other types of regulations fail to establish circulation. These agreements bring actors together and offer a platform for negotiating how advantages and disadvantages can be redistributed between actors in a way that is more suitable for a circular economy. However, circular agreements are dependent on other policy instruments to work and can generate a free-rider problem with uninvolved actors. The agreements may also become too detailed and long term, which leads to problem shifting and lock-ins, respectively.

scholarly journals Hyperbole and emotionalisation: Escalation of pragmatic effects of proverb and metaphor in the “Brexit” debate

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 628-644
Author(s):  
Andreas Musolff
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Emotional Reactions ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Long Term Effect ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
Historical Investigation ◽  
Figurative Speech ◽  
Figurative Interpretation ◽  
The Eu

(How) Can the use of hyperbole in metaphorical idioms and scenarios contribute to an increase in emotionalisation of public debates? Using a research corpus of quotations from British politicians speeches and interviews and of press texts 2016-2020, this paper investigates hyperbolic formulations in Brexit-related applications of the proverb You cannot have your cake and eat it and related scenarios of national liberation, which appear to have strongly boosted emotionalised public debates. For instance, Brexit proponents reversal of the cake proverb into the assertion, We can have our cake and eat it, and their figurative interpretation of Brexit as a war of liberation (against the EU) triggered highly emotional reactions: triumphant affirmation among followers, fear and resentment among opponents. The paper argues that the combination of figurative speech (proverb, metaphor) with hyperbole heightened the emotional and polemical impact of the pro-Brexit argument. Whilst this effect may be deemed to have been rhetorically successful in the short term (e.g. in referendum and election campaigns), its long-term effect on political discourse is more ambivalent, for it leads to a polarisation and radicalisation of political discourse in Britain (as evidenced, for instance, in the massive use of hyperbole in COVID-19 debates). The study of hyperbole as a means of emotionalisation thus seems most promising as part of a discourse-historical investigation of socio-pragmatic effects of figurative (mainly, metaphorical) language use, rather than as an isolated, one-off rhetorical phenomenon.

Conservation and Conservatism

2002 ◽  
Author(s):  
David W. Orr
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Role Of Government ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Modern Conservatism ◽  
The Devil

The philosophy of free-market conservatism has swept the political field virtually everywhere, and virtually everywhere conservatives have been, in varying degrees, hostile to the cause of conservation. This is a problem of great consequence for the long-term human prospect because of the sheer political power of conservative governments. Conservatism and conservation share more than a common linguistic heritage. Consistently applied they are, in fact, natural allies. To make such a case, however, it is necessary first to say what conservatism is. Conservative philosopher Russell Kirk (1982, xv–xvii) proposes six “first principles” of conservatism. Accordingly, true conservatives:… • believe in a transcendent moral order • prefer social continuity (i.e., the “devil they know to the devil they don’t know”) • believe in “the wisdom of our ancestors” • are guided by prudence • “feel affection for the proliferating intricacy of long-established social institutions” • believe that “human nature suffers irremediably from certain faults.”… For Kirk the essence of conservatism is the “love of order” (1982, xxxvi). Eighteenth-century British philosopher and statesman Edmund Burke, the founding father of modern conservatism and as much admired as he is unread, defined the goal of order more specifically as one which harmonized the distant past with the distant future. To this end Burke thought in terms of a contract, but not one about “things subservient only to the gross animal existence of a temporary and perishable nature.” Burke’s societal contract was not, in other words, about tax breaks for those who don’t need them, but about a partnership promoting science, art, virtue, and perfection, none of which could be achieved by a single generation without veneration for the past and a healthy regard for those to follow. Burke’s contract, therefore, was between “those who are living, those who are dead, and those who are to be born . . . linking the lower with the higher natures, connecting the visible and invisible world” ([1790] 1986, 194–195). The role of government, those “possessing any portion of power,” in Burke’s words, “ought to be strongly and awefully impressed with an idea that they act in trust” (ibid., 190).

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