History, Memory, and Utopia in the Missionaries' Creation of the Indigenous Movement in Brazil (1967–1988)

2014 ◽  
Vol 70 (04) ◽  
pp. 707-730
Author(s):  
Jean-Philippe Belleau
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
Primary Source ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
Mato Grosso ◽  
Conscious Effort ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
Political Traditions ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time ◽  
Or History

On April 17, 1974, and die two days following, a gathering of 16 indigenous participants from nine different indigenous societies was held in Diamantino, Mato Grosso, Brazil. During the three days, vernacular narratives, trivial announcements, and critiques of the government and local ranchers were presented—without any of the participants significantly engaging with one another. Only one primary source on this event, a short, typed document, is available today. The historicity of this “Assembly of Indigenous Chiefs” is granted by both the anthropological and the historical situations of the participating communities. For the first time, individuals from indigenous societies that did not share ethnic borders or history met to advance indigenous rights; for the first time also, these individuals were granted political representation (of their groups), a notion largely foreign to indigenous political traditions. There was a conscious effort to draw chiefs from as many communities as possible and to establish a large, pan-Indian movement.

History, Memory, and Utopia in the Missionaries' Creation of the Indigenous Movement in Brazil (1967–1988)

2014 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 707-730
Author(s):  
Jean-Philippe Belleau
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
Primary Source ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
Mato Grosso ◽  
Conscious Effort ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
Political Traditions ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time ◽  
Or History

On April 17, 1974, and die two days following, a gathering of 16 indigenous participants from nine different indigenous societies was held in Diamantino, Mato Grosso, Brazil. During the three days, vernacular narratives, trivial announcements, and critiques of the government and local ranchers were presented—without any of the participants significantly engaging with one another. Only one primary source on this event, a short, typed document, is available today. The historicity of this “Assembly of Indigenous Chiefs” is granted by both the anthropological and the historical situations of the participating communities. For the first time, individuals from indigenous societies that did not share ethnic borders or history met to advance indigenous rights; for the first time also, these individuals were granted political representation (of their groups), a notion largely foreign to indigenous political traditions. There was a conscious effort to draw chiefs from as many communities as possible and to establish a large, pan-Indian movement.

Forcing the Political Agenda: The Zapatista Rebellion and the Limits of Ethnic Bargaining in Mexico

1997 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
National Level ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Southern Mexico ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
Mexican Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
Base Of Support

AbstractThe Zapatista rebels of southern Mexico have achieved considerable success both in maintaining themselves against unlikely odds and in coming to agreement with the Mexican government on issues affecting indigenous rights and identity. At the same time, a central demand, both of the Zapatistas and the indigenous movement which they have helped to revitalize, namely revision of the 1992 constitutional reforms affecting corporate claims to land and the possibility of further land reform, has been roundly rejected by the government. The paper explains both Zapatista achievements and the limits to ethnic bargaining evident in the negotiations to date through an analysis of the dynamic process by which both sides came to the negotiating table and shaped and reshaped the rules of the bargaining game. It draws on social movement theory to show how the Zapatistas in particular were able to overcome the ``asymmetry of internal conflict'' and frame the issues, enlarging its base of support to a national level. At the same time, specifically indigenous issues could be resolved much more readily than the larger concerns, including those surrounding landholding, which motivated the rebellion. The shifting political context had much to do with the government's willingness to negotiate; but the Zapatista's skill at assembling a national constituency, attracting international attention, and framing the issues were decisive in achieving accords on indigenous rights. Nevertheless, in the absence of a ``mutually hurting stalemate,'' government negotiators could continue to reject Zapatista demands on issues reaching beyond strictly ethnic concerns.

Winning Title to Land but Not to Its Past: The Toledo Maya and Sites of pre-Hispanic Heritage

2011 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shoshaunna Parks
Keyword(s):  
Land Tenure ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
Land Rights ◽  
Indigenous Communities ◽  
Indigenous Land Rights ◽  
The Government ◽  
Customary Land ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
First Time ◽  
Indigenous Land

AbstractThe struggle for indigenous rights to pre-Hispanic cultural heritage parallels the struggle for indigenous land rights in Belize. By Belizean law, material objects and sites of activity older than 100 years in age are the property of the state. Similarly, land inhabited by indigenous communities in southern Belize is held in trust by the government. In 2007 the community of Santa Cruz in southern Belize won customary land tenure over their lands for the first time from the Belizean government. This change in land ownership presents new challenges to the definition of ownership of ancient places in Maya territory. In particular, the transfer of land rights to the community has potential implications for the ownership and management of the local pre-Hispanic site of Uxbenká that may ultimately serve as a paradigm for the future relationship between Maya peoples and ancestral remains throughout the nation.

Museums, heritage and the politics of pursuing indigenous rights in Taiwan

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 474-484
Author(s):  
Shu-Li Wang
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Cultural Awareness ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
The Other ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Indigenous Heritage

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to trace the development of indigenous heritage rights in Taiwan. It examines how this pursuit is intertwined with the global indigenous movement, national political interests and rising local cultural awareness. Design/methodology/approach This paper focuses on the rise of indigenous rights in Taiwan by looking at political shifts, indigenous museums and changing frameworks through which heritage is understood. The paper uses two case studies: one is the implementation of a heritage protection law in Taiwan; the other is the launch of indigenous museums. Findings In Taiwan, heritage is often associated with political ideology, power relations and resource distribution. The development of heritage discourse is inseparable from the international heritage trend as well as the local political situation. Originality/value The pursuit of indigenous heritage rights in Taiwan is supported on the one hand by the government so as to define a distinctive Taiwanese culture and on the other to meet the demands of Taiwan’s indigenous movement. Two case studies are provided to examine the pros and cons of current indigenous heritage projects in Taiwan.

scholarly journals Jokowi's Populism in the 2012 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election

2014 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdul Hamid
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Strong Support ◽  
Negative Image ◽  
Social Breakdown ◽  
Political Traditions ◽  
Societal Changes ◽  
The Government ◽  
Gubernatorial Election

Joko Widodo's victory in the 2012 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election could be seen as a populist phenomenon. An outsider to Jakarta politics, Joko Widodo (Jokowi) beat the incumbent, Fauzi Bowo (Foke), who had received strong support from political parties. Using populism as an analytical tool, this paper argues that the following four factors enabled Jokowi to emerge as an alternative leader in Indonesia's capital: (1) social breakdown and declining capability of the government; (2) corrupt, draining political traditions and a negative image of political parties; (3) societal changes; and (4) the emergence of forms of political representation outside of traditional political institutions. Those situations led Jakarta voters to more easily accept Jokowi's offer – “New Jakarta” ( Jakarta Baru) – as a new identity against the established regime. Populism can help explain Jokowi's victory in the election, but also the leadership of his administration after he was elected.

Byelorussian Nationalism and Western Russianism: the Problem of Confrontation

2020 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 161-168
Author(s):  
Alexander D. Gronsky
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
Great Patriotic War ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Relationship

The article examines the relationship between Western Russianism (Zapadnorusizm) and Byelorussian nationalism. Byelorussian nationalism is much younger than Western Russianism, finally shaping only in the end of the 19th century. Before 1917 revolution Byelorussian nationalism could not compete with Western Russianism. The national policy of the Bolsheviks contributed to the decline of Western Russianism and helped Byelorussian nationalism to gain stronger positions. However, Byelorussian nationalists actively cooperated with the occupation authorities during the Great Patriotic war. That caused distinctly negative attitude of Byelorussians towards the movement and collaborators. Currently, Byelorussian nationalism is supported both by the opposition and by the government. Western Russianism has no political representation, but is supported by the majority of Byelorussian population.

Thanato-Laboratorien. Theorien von Tod und Sterben und Elias Canettis Buch gegen den Tod

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-86
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Heyne
Keyword(s):  
Human Life ◽  
Death And Dying ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Visual Images ◽  
Elias Canetti ◽  
History Of ◽  
Series Of Experiments ◽  
First Time ◽  
Textual Form ◽  
Or History

AbstractAlthough visual culture of the 21th century increasingly focuses on representation of death and dying, contemporary discourses still lack a language of death adequate to the event shown by pictures and visual images from an outside point of view. Following this observation, this article suggests a re-reading of 20th century author Elias Canetti. His lifelong notes have been edited and published posthumously for the first time in 2014. Thanks to this edition Canetti's short texts and aphorisms can be focused as a textual laboratory in which he tries to model a language of death on experimental practices of natural sciences. The miniature series of experiments address the problem of death, not representable in discourses of cultural studies, system theory or history of knowledge, and in doing so, Canetti creates liminal texts at the margins of western concepts of (human) life, science and established textual form.

Antitumoral and Anticholinesterasic Activities of the Seven Species from Rubiaceae

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 302-308 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carla R.F. Volobuff ◽  
Pedro C.O. Junior ◽  
Sidney M. dos Santos ◽  
Zefa V. Pereira ◽  
Diego C. Ferreira ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Wistar Rats ◽  
Biological Activities ◽  
Brain Structures ◽  
Acetylcholinesterase Inhibition ◽  
Mato Grosso ◽  
Male Wistar Rats ◽  
First Time ◽  
Mato Grosso Do Sul ◽  
Antiproliferative Activities ◽  
Mcf 7

Background: The genus Psychotria and Palicourea are reported as a source of alkaloids and iridoids, which exhibit biological activities. This study aimed to evaluate antiproliferative and anticholinesterase activities and quantification of the alkaloids of seven species among the genus found in Mato Grosso do Sul region in Brazil. Methods: Concentrations of alkaloids were measured spectrophotometrically. The extracts were submitted to antiproliferative activity against ten cell lines. The anticholinesterase activity of the extracts was developed using brain structures of male Wistar rats: cerebral cortex, hippocampus, hypothalamus and striatum by the Ellman method. Results: Alkaloids from Psychotria and Palicourea species were quantified which showed values of 47.6 to 21.9 µg/g. Regarding the antiproliferative potential, Palicourea crocea demonstrated selectivity against the 786-0 cell line (GI50: 22.87 µg/mL). Psychotria leiocarpa inhibited cell growth against OVCAR-3 (GI50: 3.28 µg/mL), K-562 (GI50: 5.26 µg/mL), HaCaT (GI50: 27.20 µg/mL), PC-3 (GI50: 34.92 µg/mL), MCF-7 (GI50: 35.80 µg/mL) and P. capillacea showed activity against OVCAR-3 (GI50: 2.33 µg/ml) and U251 (GI50: 16.66 µg/ml). The effect of acetylcholinesterase inhibition was more effective in the hippocampus, demonstrating inhibition for Paliourea crocea, Psychotria deflexa, P. brachybotrya and P. leiocarpa of 70%, 57%, 50% and 40%, respectively, followed by P. poeppigiana and P. capillacea, inhibiting 21%, compared to the control. Conclusion: Herein, the present work showed for the first time, anticholinesterasic and antiproliferative activities of extracts of Palicourea and Psychotria seem to be mainly associated with the levels of alkaloids in the leaves of these species.

Telemedicine (or Teleconsultation?) Practice Guidelines of India: A Game changer or a half-hearted attempt amid COVID-19? (Preprint)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venkatesh U ◽  
Aravind Gandhi P
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Practice Guidelines ◽  
Health Care Workers ◽  
Data Security ◽  
Patient Relationship ◽  
Medical Practitioners ◽  
Care Workers ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Time ◽  
Game Changer

UNSTRUCTURED Telemedicine is where health care intersects with Information Technology. In India, there has been no statutory regulations or official guidelines, specific for Telemedicine practice and allied matters, so far. For the first time, Government of India has released Telemedicine Practice Guidelines for Registered Medical Practitioners on March 25, 2020, amid the COVID-19 outbreak. Through this paper, we would like to initiate the discussion on the features of the guidelines, limitations, and its significance in times of COVID-19 pandemic. The guidelines are with a restricted scope for providing medical consultation to patients, excluding other aspects of Telemedicine such as research and evaluation, and the continuing education of health-care workers. The guidelines have elaborated on the eligibility for practicing Telemedicine in India, the modes and types of Teleconsultation, delved into doctor-patient relationship, consent, & management protocols, touched upon the data security & privacy aspects of the Teleconsultation. After releasing the guidelines, Telescreening of public for COVID-19 symptoms is being advocated by the Government of India. COVID-19 National Teleconsultation Centre (CoNTeC) has been initiated, which connects the doctors across the India to AIIMS in real-time for accessing expert guidance on treatment of the COVID-19 patients.

Contributory Fault under International Law: A Gateway for Human Rights in ISDS?

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farouk El-Hosseny ◽  
Patrick Devine
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
International Law ◽  
Multinational Enterprises ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
Business And Human Rights ◽  
Investment Treaty ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
The Government ◽  
Bear Creek ◽  
Shed Light

Abstract The intersection between foreign investment and human rights is gaining attention, as is evident from an increasing number of investment treaty awards analysing legal issues relating to human rights. In the recent International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) arbitration of Bear Creek v Peru, Philippe Sands QC posited, in a dissenting opinion, that the investor’s contribution to events—ie protests against its allegedly adverse environmental impact and disregard of indigenous rights, namely resulting from its ‘inability to obtain a “social licence”’—which led to the unlawful expropriation of its investment, was ‘significant and material’. He further noted that the investor’s ‘responsibilities are no less than those of the government’ and found that damages should thus be reduced. Last year, the Netherlands adopted a new model bilateral investment treaty (BIT), which allows tribunals to ‘take into account non-compliance by the investor with the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises’ when assessing damages. These recent developments shed light on how states and tribunals, as part of their decision-making process, can take into account human rights in practice, and crucially in respect of damages analyses. By first dissecting the concept of contributory fault, then shedding light on the intersection of investment treaty law and human rights, as elucidated in recent jurisprudence, this article questions whether there now exists a gateway for human rights obligations (soft or hard) in the investment treaty arbitration realm through the concept of contributory fault.

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