Museums, heritage and the politics of pursuing indigenous rights in Taiwan

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 474-484
Author(s):  
Shu-Li Wang
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Cultural Awareness ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
The Other ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Indigenous Movement ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Indigenous Heritage

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to trace the development of indigenous heritage rights in Taiwan. It examines how this pursuit is intertwined with the global indigenous movement, national political interests and rising local cultural awareness. Design/methodology/approach This paper focuses on the rise of indigenous rights in Taiwan by looking at political shifts, indigenous museums and changing frameworks through which heritage is understood. The paper uses two case studies: one is the implementation of a heritage protection law in Taiwan; the other is the launch of indigenous museums. Findings In Taiwan, heritage is often associated with political ideology, power relations and resource distribution. The development of heritage discourse is inseparable from the international heritage trend as well as the local political situation. Originality/value The pursuit of indigenous heritage rights in Taiwan is supported on the one hand by the government so as to define a distinctive Taiwanese culture and on the other to meet the demands of Taiwan’s indigenous movement. Two case studies are provided to examine the pros and cons of current indigenous heritage projects in Taiwan.

Being Special, Becoming Indigenous: Dilemmas of Special Adat Rights in Indonesia

2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (5) ◽  
pp. 652-673 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Tyson
Keyword(s):  
Public Participation ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Political Intervention ◽  
Village Communities ◽  
The One ◽  
Special Rights

Abstract From 1998 onwards Indonesia’s reform era (reformasi) has captured the imagination of growing numbers of observers, experts and scholars. Policies of decentralisation and enhanced public participation projects have reawakened old debates surrounding indigenous rights, power and status. This article examines the dilemma of special rights, particularly those related to the political revival of customs and traditions (adat istiadat). Calls for exigent recognition and redistributive rights for particular groups and ‘unique’ village communities frequently take the form of indirect regulatory negotiations and direct struggles for land. Case studies from Sulawesi are therefore used to examine heavily contested processes of decentralisation and local autonomy, which in many respects enable the revival of local adat. Distinctions are made between static and fluid views of adat, between being special by virtue of birthright on the one hand, and becoming indigenous by way of deliberate political intervention and mobilisation on the other.

Opposition split may mean more violence for Kosovo

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Future ◽  
United Front ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

Subject Kosovo's violent and fragmenting opposition. Significance Three parties which had formed a united front against the government have split into two camps. Vetevendosje (Self-Determination) is on the one side; the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK) and the Initiative for Kosovo (Nisma), which have formed a formal coalition, are on the other. The split strengthens the government's position. Impacts Further unrest will have damaging consequences for the economy, implementing the Brussels Agreement and Kosovo's passage towards the EU. The governing parties will gain from opposition disunity in any electoral contest, increasing the prospect of early elections. Kosovo's Serbs may implement the devolution aspects of the Brussels Agreement unilaterally, further exacerbating tensions.

Race to succeed Correa gets underway in Ecuador

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Oil Prices ◽  
The Other ◽  
Middle Income ◽  
Content Type ◽  
International Investors ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Ruling Party

Subject Possible successors to President Rafael Correa. Significance The surprising news that President Rafael Correa will not stand in the 2017 presidential elections has triggered a debate over who the ruling party, Alianza Pais, will select as its candidate. The task confronting the party is to choose a candidate who has the potential to secure low and middle-income votes on the one hand and appeal to national and international investors on the other. Striking this balance will be particularly important as the collapse of world oil prices and slowdown of economic growth has damaged the government and fuelled social and political tensions. Impacts Whoever Alianza Pais selects is likely to be the strong favourite, despite the government's difficulties in recent months. The key election battle is likely to be over control of the legislature rather than the presidency. The primary challenge for the opposition to the right will be to find a candidate capable of uniting various leaders and factions.

Executive-judicial tensions will rise in Argentina

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
The Other ◽  
Supreme Court Justice ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Criminal Justice Reform ◽  
Judicial Appointments ◽  
Procedure Code ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Opposition Parties

Significance While initial reports suggest a suicide, the case highlights tensions between the executive on the one hand, and the judicial branch and opposition parties on the other -- tensions already rekindled by the recent resignation of Supreme Court Justice Eugenio Raul Zaffaroni. Disputes over the government-backed criminal justice reform, as well as serious accusations -- including impeachment requests -- against Procurator General Alejandra Gils Carbo, suggest executive-judicial relations will be uneasy at least until the presidential hand-over in December. Impacts The president, who has as yet appointed no Supreme Court judges, may attempt to negotiate unilaterally with some opposition parties. The executive faces several court defeats, particularly over the Criminal Procedure Code and temporary judicial appointments. The government will use the Secretariat of Intelligence to try to mitigate the judicial offensive against allies.

scholarly journals Fear and (In)Security: The Canadian Government’s Response to the Chilean Refugees

Refuge ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-62
Author(s):  
Suha Diab
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The Other ◽  
Pivotal Role ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
Refugee Protection ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Economic Well Being

This article examines Canada’s response to the Chilean refugee crisis in 1973. It explores the conditions that made the resettlement of Chilean refugees possible, despite the reluctance of the Canadian government to provide protection for them. The article focuses on the relation between the Canadian overnment’s regulatory discourses and practices on the one hand, and the Canadian public’s contestation of, and challenges to, such discourses and practices on the other. The Chilean refugee crisis revealed that the Canadian refugee protection regime was subject to political ideology, with very little consideration given to the suffering of refugees constructed as a threat to Canadian social, political, and economic well-being. However, civil society played a pivotal role in compelling the government to take a stance toward the refugees, though the government was able to control refugee reception by being deliberately selective about which lives it would save. The visibility and the success of the Canadian public in advocating on behalf of the Chilean refugees demonstrated the potential of this emerging civil power to affect refugee policies and practices while also revealing its limitations.

scholarly journals Umat Islam di Filipina Selatan: Sejarah, Perjuangan, dan Rekonsiliasi

2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saifullah SA Saifullah SA
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
National Integration ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Near Future

This paper deals mainly with the political struggle of the people of Southern Philippine for independence. To a large extent, this paper is about the investigation of the political ideology of these people. To start with, the paper distinguishes between two opposing groups, namely the government and the Muslim group demanding for independence. The Muslims in their turn were then classified into two groups, the one is radical pursuing for political change through political –often violent- activities, and the other is moderate urging for a better life especially for Muslims through a peaceful, constructive, legal, and constitutional means. The paper argues that the government of the Philippine has shown its willingness to find ways of solving the problems through dialogue and peace process. The paper is also interested in discussing the view expressed by Peter Gowing who believes that in the near future the Muslims of the Philippine would be divided into two groups. The one successfully forms autonomous quasi-independent Muslim territories, and the other sticks to the national government having a strong consciousness to work toward the national integration and harmony.

Whither the people in the ASEAN Community?

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 43-57
Author(s):  
See Seng Tan
Keyword(s):  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Management Development ◽  
The Other ◽  
Asean Member ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
The People ◽  
Droits Humains ◽  
The One ◽  
The Individual

Abstract: The longstanding effort to develop a people-based regionalism in Southeast Asia has been shaped by an inherent tension between the liberal inclination to privilege the individual and the community under formation, on the one hand, and the realist insistence on the primacy of the state, on the other. This article explores the conditions and constraints affecting ASEAN’s progress in remaking Southeast Asia into a people-focused and caring community in three areas: disaster management, development, and democratization (understood here as human rights). Arguably, the persistent gap in Southeast Asia between aspiration and expectation is determined less by political ideology than by the pragmatic responses of ASEAN member states to the forces of nationalism and protectionism, as well as their respective sense of local and regional responsibility.Resumen: El esfuerzo histórico para desarrollar un regionalismo basado en las personas del sudeste de Asia ha estado marcado por una tensión fundamental entre la inclinación liberal de privilegiar el individuo y la comunidad y la insistencia realista sobre la primacía del estado. Este artículo explora las condiciones y limitaciones que afectan el progreso de la ASEAN en la reestructuración de Asia sudoriental en una comunidad centrada en el cuidado de las personas en: gestión de desastres, desarrollo y democratización (i.e., derechos humanos). La brecha persistente en el sudeste asiático entre la aspiración y la expectativa está determinada por las respuestas pragmáticas de los miembros de la ASEAN sometidos a las fuerzas del nacionalismo y proteccionismo, así como su respectivo sentido de responsabilidad local y regional.Résumé: L’effort historique pour développer un régionalisme fondé sur les peuples en Asie du Sud-Est a été marqué par une tension fondamentale entre l’inclination libérale qui privilégie, d’une part, l’individu et la communauté et, d’autre part, l’insistance réaliste sur la primauté de l’État. Cet article explore les conditions et les contraintes qui nuisent aux progrès de l’ANASE dans le cadre d’une refonte de l’Asie du Sud-Est en une communauté centrée et attentive aux peuples dans trois domaines : la gestion des désastres, le développement et la démocratisation (en référence aux droits humains). Le fossé persistant en Asie du Sud-Est entre les aspirations et les attentes est vraisemblablement moins déterminé par l’idéologie politique que par les réponses pragmatiques des États membres de l’ANASE soumis aux forces du nationalisme et du protectionnisme ainsi que par leur sens respectif de la responsabilité locale et régionale.

MEMBANGUN PENDIDIKAN KARAKTER SEJAK USIA DINI

Edupedia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-64
Author(s):  
Agus Supriyadi
Keyword(s):  
Human Resources ◽  
Character Education ◽  
Moral Values ◽  
The Other ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
Early Age ◽  
National Education ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

Character education is a vital instrument in determining the progress of a nation. Therefore the government needs to build educational institutions in order to produce good human resources that are ready to oversee and deliver the nation at a progressive level. It’s just that in reality, national education is not in line with the ideals of national education because the output is not in tune with moral values on the one hand and the potential for individuals to compete in world intellectual order on the other hand. Therefore, as a solution to these problems is the need for the applicationof character education from an early age.

Timber

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Cheng
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Dispute Resolution ◽  
Charles Taylor ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Forestry Sector ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Timber Market

During the civil war, Liberia’s forestry sector rose to prominence as Charles Taylor traded timber for arms. When the war ended, the UN’s timber sanctions remained in effect, reinforced by the Forestry Development Authority’s (FDA) domestic ban on logging. As Liberians waited for UN timber sanctions to be lifted, a burgeoning domestic timber market developed. This demand was met by artisanal loggers, more commonly referred to as pit sawyers. Out of this illicit economy emerged the Nezoun Group to provide local dispute resolution between the FDA’s tax collectors and ex-combatant pit sawyers. The Nezoun Group posed a dilemma for the government. On the one hand, the regulatory efforts of the Nezoun Group helped the FDA to tax an activity that it had banned. On the other hand, the state’s inability to contain the operations of the Nezoun Group—in open contravention of Liberian laws—highlighted the government’s capacity problems.

scholarly journals Ethnic Hatred and Universal Benevolence: Ethnicity and Loyalty in Precolonial Myanmar, and Britain

2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 310-338
Author(s):  
Victor Lieberman
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
The Other ◽  
Social Pressures ◽  
Legal Equality ◽  
The One

AbstractInsisting on a radical divide between post-1750 ideologies in Europe and earlier political thought in both Europe and Asia, modernist scholars of nationalism have called attention, quite justifiably, to European nationalisms’ unique focus on popular sovereignty, legal equality, territorial fixity, and the primacy of secular over universal religious loyalties. Yet this essay argues that nationalism also shared basic developmental and expressive features with political thought in pre-1750 Europe as well as in rimland—that is to say outlying—sectors of Asia. Polities in Western Europe and rimland Asia were all protected against Inner Asian occupation, all enjoyed relatively cohesive local geographies, and all experienced economic and social pressures to integration that were not only sustained but surprisingly synchronized throughout the second millennium. In Western Europe and rimland Asia each major state came to identify with a named ethnicity, specific artifacts became badges of inclusion, and central ethnicity expanded and grew more standardized. Using Myanmar and pre-1750 England/Britain as case studies, this essay reconstructs these centuries-long similarities in process and form between “political ethnicity,” on the one hand, and modern nationalism, on the other. Finally, however, this essay explores cultural and material answers to the obvious question: if political ethnicities in Myanmar and pre-1750 England/Britain were indeed comparable, why did the latter realm alone generate recognizable expressions of nationalism? As such, this essay both strengthens and weakens claims for European exceptionalism.

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