The Rise of New Politics and Market Liberalism in Australia and New Zealand

1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-402 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian McAllister ◽  
Jack Vowles

The rise of ‘New Politics’ concerns since the 1970s parallels the rise in popularity of market liberalism. Although often considered to be opposites, both goals have been pursued vigorously and simultaneously by social democratic governments in Australia and New Zealand. This article examines the circumstances of this unlikely marriage and, by applying multivariate analysis to election survey data collected in each country in 1990, examines the implications of these apparently contradictory policies for public opinion and party support. We conclude that value orientations associated with New Politics have mixed associations with party support. Postmaterialist and materialist value orientations are linked to attitudes towards the specifically Australasian old left strategy of ‘domestic defence’. The findings suggest that the effects of value change are more far-reaching in New Zealand, where social liberalism may have overtaken collectivism as the dominant value cleavage in the party system.

2007 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian McAllister

A stable and effective party system depends on consistent and enduring support from social groups. Using the Lipset-Rokkan paradigm as a point of departure, this article tests the relationship between social structure and party support in four East Asian democracies (Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan) and two Western democracies (Australia and New Zealand) using the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. Using Australia and New Zealand as a reference point, the results show that the four Lipset-Rokkan social cleavages are only loosely related to party support in the four East Asian nations, mainly through center-periphery and urban-rural divisions. The absence of an owner-worker cleavage is explained by the suppression of labor-based parties in these countries. More generally, the results suggest the importance of the socializing experiences associated with the democratic transitions in each of the four newer democracies.


2006 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 422-449 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Bale ◽  
Torbjörn Bergman

AbstractRecent years have seen the institutionalization of minority governance in Sweden and New Zealand. Large, historic social democratic labour parties enjoy comparative security of tenure thanks to smaller, newer parties with whom they have signed long-term, detailed support agreements covering both policy and process. This trend toward ‘contract parliamentarism’ owes much to party-system dynamics, but also to the accretion of experience, to cultural norms and to institutional constraints – all of which, along with electoral contingency, explain why the trend has gone slightly further in one polity than in the other. While the trend seems to favour the left in general, its implications for the support or ‘servant’ parties, and – more normatively – for democracy itself, may be less favourable.


1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felice Rizzi

A FEW YEARS AGO, GALL1 AND PRANDI WROTE THAT THE UNIFICATION of the socialists represented a phase of rationalization of the Italian political system. Not only did the re-unification of the PSI (Socialist Party of Italy) and the PSDI (Social Democratic Party of Italy) lead to a simplification of the party subsystem (by reducing its excessive numbers), thus rendering the choice between alternatives easier for the electorate. But at last a single voice seemed to emerge which could undertake the task of opposing the twenty years of Christian Democrat predominance, which had been responsible for so many aspects of political ‘immobilism’. Moreover it was possible to discern a strategic design in the socialist plans — an optimistic design perhaps, but entailing possible innovations. The formation of a strong Socialist Party might have led to the overcoming of one of the principal - if not the greatest - defects of the Italian party system: the absence of a mechanism of rewards and punishments.


1999 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Brechtel ◽  
AndrÉ Kaiser

1993 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
AIE-RIE LEE

Dramatic changes have taken place in sociopolitical value orientations in South Korea throughout the post-World War II period, primarily as a function of intergenerational change and rising levels of education. This article, by using the 1982 Korea Gallup Poll survey and the value change thesis, investigates the distribution of a number of fundamental social values and analyzes the extent to which these social values are persisting and/or changing and how they are related to South Koreans' political orientations, particularly protest potential. Also introduced and analyzed are two major types of Korean values prevalent in contemporary Korea: authoritarianism-libertarianism, and traditional versus modern morality. It is found that value change plays an important role in enhancing the potential for involvement in protest activities in South Korea.


2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 401-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oddbjørn Knutsen

This article is a comparative study of regional differences in social and political value orientations. I identify four central sets of value orientations: two Old Politics orientations – religious–secular and economic left–right; and two New Politics orientations – libertarian/authoritarian and green values. I use the international value studies from 15 West European countries as my empirical base. The article addresses three major research problems: (1) Which of the four value orientations is most strongly anchored in regional differences, and in which countries do we find the largest value differences between the regions? (2) Do we find the same ranking of the regions across the four value orientations, or do the value orientations group the regions in separate ways? (3) Can the other socio-structural variables explain the impact of region on value orientations, or is that impact unique? The average correlations between regions and each of the four value orientations are similar but somewhat larger for religious value and libertarian/authoritarian values. With regard to the second research problem, I hypothesize one-, two-, and three-dimensional solutions based on different spatial configurations. The one-dimensional configurations implied that there exist some (centre) regions that have secular, economic rightist, green, and libertarian regions, and (peripheral) regions with opposite value orientations. This pattern is clearly found in four countries. The expected two-dimensional solution with an Old Politics and a New Politics dimension was found in four countries, whereas the expected three-dimensional solution with two Old Politics and one New Politics dimension was found in three countries. In the multivariate analysis examining the causal impact of region, only a small portion of the correlation between region and value orientations was spurious when controlling for the other (quasi-)ascriptive variables. Furthermore, only a small portion of the impact of region was transmitted via social class variables.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Megan Simpson

<p>‘Radical Spaces’ explores the Resistance Bookshops and their place within the culture of protest and radical politics in New Zealand between 1969 and 1977. The bookshops, which were set up by activists in Auckland, Wellington and Christchurch aimed to raise consciousness about political issues by selling political and countercultural texts which had limited availability in New Zealand. These ‘radical spaces’ of the 1970s are closely examined, looking at specific political campaigns, the interconnections between the groups and individuals involved, and the role that the Resistance Bookshops played in supporting the radical political momentum that flourished in New Zealand from the late 1960s until the mid-1970s. For the Resistance Bookshops, distributing texts was part of the political process, it was recognised that there was power in ideas and print was a leading medium for which to circulate them. This thesis examines the role of print as a key part in political mobilisation. All radical political groups whether ‘Old Left’, ‘New Left’, feminist or anarchist used print to educate, communicate and persuade people to participate in street politics and the wider radical culture that was emerging in New Zealand during this period. The Resistance Bookshops provided a bridge between political groups and the printed material that helped shape the ideas behind individual campaigns. These spaces were instrumental in the dissemination of radical ideas and are important expressions of a ‘movement’ which placed prime importance on education as a political tool.</p>


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