scholarly journals The Political Consequences of Gender in Social Networks

2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 637-658 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Djupe ◽  
Scott Mcclurg ◽  
Anand Edward Sokhey

Recent research on political discussion has focused on whether aspects of interaction create a ‘democratic dilemma’ for the mass public in which people face a choice between political participation and political tolerance. This article argues that there are important variations in how people react to their immediate social contacts. It explores this idea by studying how social disagreement and expertise interact with gender to explain variance in political participation. First, it shows that there are conflicting expectations in the literature about how such dynamics should manifest, despite agreement that men and women should experience different kinds and degrees of social influence. Secondly, it examines these expectations by revisiting prominent, network-based explanations of political participation; it finds that these relationships do not display consistency across sex differences. The results point to the existence of varied ‘social logics’ for men and women, and suggest the need to reconsider how to think about the efficacy of discussion and disagreement in a democratic society.

Author(s):  
Kim Leonie Kellermann

AbstractWe theoretically investigate how political abstention among certain social groups encourages populist parties to enter the political stage, trying to absorb inactive voters. We design a two-stage game with two established parties and n voters who jointly determine a taxation policy. The electorate is divided into two groups, the advantaged and the disadvantaged. Voters’ decisions on whether to participate depend on a party’s tax rate proposal and on general party ideology. Effective political participation requires a certain amount of financial, social and intellectual resources to, for example, evaluate party programs or to engage in political discussion. As the disadvantaged are endowed with fewer resources, they lack political efficacy, resulting in less political participation. Consequently, the established parties propose a tax rate which is biased towards the preferences of the advantaged. The unused voter potential among the disadvantaged draws the interest of a populist challenger. To win support from the disadvantaged, the challenger party optimally proposes a respectively biased tax rate, which then works to polarize the political spectrum.Please confirm if the author names are presented accurately and in the correct sequence (given name, middle name/initial, family name). Author 1 Given name: [Kim Leonie] Last name [ Kellermann]. Also, kindly confirm the details in the metadata are correct.All correct.


2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 81-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ajeet N Mathur ◽  
Anja Salmi

Harmonious inter-generational continuities require the male and the female of the species to engage with each other through interdependence. The chronic under-representation of women in politics everywhere, long after women secured justiciable equal rights in many democracies, intrigues scholars. Political participation varies by ethnicity, age, religion, and culture but that does not account for gender. Patriarchy, discrimination, domination, and oppression are historically castigated but there can also be other reasons. This study explains that underrepresentation of women persists because motives and power-bases to improve their political participation are not easily mobilized due to psychological differences in how men and women acquire and exercise political influence. Strategies suiting intra-group mobilization of women for securing greater inter-group influence are different from those that suit men. Thus, what appear as ‘deficits’ of political skills inhibiting acquisition of political power by women are dissolvable with designed interventions. Indeed, men may appear challenged were they to compete with strategies more suited to women. Gendered identities affect processes of inclusion, exclusion, representation, and participation of women in politics in various ways. The dynamics of disharmony in management of gender differences is traceable to different repertoires of response choices with which men and women build relationships and form groups. This study analyses gender differences in coping with anxieties and defending against anxieties and identifies sets of causal triggers that produce disharmony as outcomes arising in the form of deprivations and taboos during the process of growth and identity formation. Coping responses to anxieties are substituted and complemented by primitive and developed defences traceable to the way men and women are cared for as babies, infants, children, and adolescence through to adulthood. The repertoire of coping responses as well as primitive and developed defences evolves differently for men and women. This is immutable in some respects, modifiable in others, through practices embedded in psychosocial aspects of gender identities, child-rearing practices, and culture. The two horns of the women�s dilemma pressurize them either into behaving like men or evolving creative and innovative strategies. The latter is challenging since the required talent, planning, organization, and mobilization cannot be wished into existence by rational or emotional pleas for equal representation. The major findings of the study are follows: Human dignity, equal freedom, social cohesion, and global harmony, as desirable goals, are beyond reach if social justice is sought only through demands, disputes, claims, and entitlements over substantive and procedural equality of rights. The pursuit of equality as a policy requires to be underpinned with deeper analysis of the sources of conscious and unconscious human behaviour (of individuals and groups) that produce inequitable outcomes. The restoration of gender balance in the political arena can have the greatest and most lasting impact on sustainable ways to design and govern world affairs in the pursuit of harmony. This paper urges women and men to experiment with designing strategies that suit women and test whether such strategies redress the political under-representation of women.


1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


Citizens are political simpletons—that is only a modest exaggeration of a common characterization of voters. Certainly, there is no shortage of evidence of citizens' limited political knowledge, even about matters of the highest importance, along with inconsistencies in their thinking, some glaring by any standard. But this picture of citizens all too often approaches caricature. This book brings together leading political scientists who offer new insights into the political thinking of the public, the causes of party polarization, the motivations for political participation, and the paradoxical relationship between turnout and democratic representation. These studies propel a foundational argument about democracy. Voters can only do as well as the alternatives on offer. These alternatives are constrained by third players, in particular activists, interest groups, and financial contributors. The result: voters often appear to be shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent because the alternatives they must choose between are shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent.


MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan G. Voelkel ◽  
Dongning Ren ◽  
Mark John Brandt

The political divide is characterized by liberals and conservatives who hold strong prejudice against each other. Here we introduce one possible strategy for reducing political prejudice: political inclusion. We define political inclusion as receiving a fair chance to voice one’s opinions in a discussion of political topics with political outgroup members. This strategy may reduce political prejudice by inducing perceptions of the political outgroup as fair and respectful; however, such a strategy may also highlight conflicting attitudes and worldviews, thereby further exacerbating prejudice. In three preregistered studies (total N = 799), we test if political inclusion reduces or increases prejudice toward the political outgroup. Specifically, political inclusion was manipulated with either an imagined scenario (Study 1) or a concurrent experience in an ostensible online political discussion (Studies 2 & 3). Across all studies, participants who were politically included by political outgroup members reported reduced prejudice toward their outgroup compared to participants in a neutral control condition (Cohen’s d [-0.27, -0.50]). This effect was mediated by perceptions of the political outgroup as fairer and less dissimilar in their worldviews. Our results indicate that political discussions that are politically inclusive do not cause additional prejudice via worldview conflict, but instead give others a feeling of being heard. It is a promising strategy to reduce political prejudice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 90-98
Author(s):  
Pia Rowe ◽  
David Marsh

While Wood and Flinders’ work to broaden the scope of what counts as “politics” in political science is a needed adjustment to conventional theory, it skirts an important relationship between society, the protopolitical sphere, and arena politics. We contend, in particular, that the language of everyday people articulates tensions in society, that such tensions are particularly observable online, and that this language can constitute the beginning of political action. Language can be protopolitical and should, therefore, be included in the authors’ revised theory of what counts as political participation.


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