Echange/Exchange

1975 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 146-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irving Abella ◽  
Terence Morley

I was disturbed, and I understand my distress was shared by many others, to see the pages of such a respected scholarly periodical as the Canadian Journal of Political Science being so badly misused by a political bureaucrat for partisan purposes. I refer to the review of my book Nationalism, Communism, and Canadian Labour by Terence Morley, a longtime functionary of the New Democratic party, and now a graduate student at Queen's University.Because I was critical of some of the activities of the CCF in the 1940s, made some kind remarks about the Communist party, and questioned some of the policies of international unions, Morley labels my book a “Waffle-inspired tract.” What utter nonsense! I am not a member nor even a supporter of the Waffle, as should be readily apparent to any intelligent reader of the book. Indeed, if Morley had done any reading over the past year since the book appeared he would have noted that in their reviews and speeches, Waffle leaders were critical of the book's implications – and rightly so given their ideology. But, quite clearly, to the Terence Morleys of Canada, to be even mildly critical of the ccf, immediately marks one as an enemy – as a member of the “Waffle” – just as critics in past years were denounced as “Communists.”Although he is clearly unaware of the fact, I am, and have been for as long as I remember, a supporter of Mr Morley's own party.

2009 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Hrannar Baldvinsson

This article explores the reason why the LDP has stayed so long in power and why it ultimately fell out. It begins by giving an overview of the political situation in Japan in the past decades. It then proceeds to explain the main theories on why the LDP stayed so long in power and maintains that the main contributing factor has been a weak opposition. Finally it discusses how the new party has distinguished itself from former opposition parties and how and why the LDP had failed to meet that challenge. Keywords: Liberal Democratic Party, Democratic Party of Japan, Elections, New Komeito, Japan Communist Party, Japan socialist Party, Junichiro Koizumi, Shinzo Abe, Taro Aso.


Author(s):  
Jiaxi (Jessie) Han

The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms empowers the Supreme Court to interpret and uphold values entrenched in the Constitution by giving it the responsibility to review legislative and executive actions, and invalidate them in case of non-compliance. While scholars have noted the growing influence of the Court’s judicial power on policy outcomes, its supporters argue that a robust interpretation of rights protects citizens to be treated equally in order to participate in democratic politics; on the other hand, its critics suspect how judicial reviews could avoid interfering with the will of people, which is expressed through elected representatives in other branches of the government. Despite such disagreement, most scholars think the Charter creates new constitutional actors in the form of ethnic minorities, and therefore makes balancing between different interests especially difficult and controversial. My paper picks up on this debate in the scholarly literature to argue that the Court often tends to place a greater emphasis on equality over liberty when interpreting the Charter, and some freedoms cannot be achieved without the government actively promotes them through direct intervention. To develop this argument, I examine how the changes in relationship between Canadian government and minority groups impose challenges in governing the country as a result of the Charter. In particular, I focus on cases involving religious and language minorities to illustrate how the Court attempts to solve the legal puzzle following secular and egalitarian principles.   References Beaman, Lori G. 2012. “Is Religious Freedom Impossible in Canada?” Law, Culture and the Humanities 8(2): 266-84. Grover, Sonja. 2006. “The right to minority language public school education as a function of the equality guarantee: a reanalysis of the Gosselin Supreme Court of Canada Charter case.” Education and the Law 18(4): 283-94. Hiebert, Janet L. 2002. Charter Conflicts: What Is Parliament’s Role? Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press. Manfredi, Christopher P. 1994. “‘Appropriate and Just in the Circumstances’: Public Policy and the Enforcement of Rights under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.” Canadian Journal of Political Science 27(3): 435-63. Morton, F.L. and Rainer Knopff. 2000. The Charter Revolution and the Court Party. Peterborough: Broadview Press. Smithey, Shannon Ishiyama. 2001. “Religious Freedom and Equality Concerns under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.” Canadian Journal of Political Science 34(1): 85-107. Weinrib, Lorraine Eisenstat. 2001. “The Activist Constitution.” Judicial Power and Canadian Democracy, ed. Paul Howe and Peter H. Russell. Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press.


2012 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 183-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
James To

The overseas Chinese (OC) form a vast network of powerful interest groups and important political actors capable of shaping the future of China from abroad by transmitting values back to their ancestral homeland (Tu 1991). While the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) welcomes and actively seeks to foster relations with the OC in order to advance China's national interests, some cohorts may be hostile to the regime. In accordance with their distinct demographic and ethnic profiles, the CCP's qiaowu ([Formula: see text], OC affairs) infrastructure serves to entice, co-opt, or isolate various OC groupings. This article summarises the policies for managing different subsets of OC over the past three decades, and argues that through qiaowu, the CCP has successfully unified cooperative groups for China's benefit, while preventing discordant ones from eroding its grip on power.


1951 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
James K. Pollock

In presenting my valedictory to this distinguished Association which has honored me by selecting me as its President, I should like to point out by way of introduction what has happened to this office, and therefore to me, during the past year. I have heard of one of my distinguished predecessors some twenty-five years ago who had little else to do as President of this Association than work all year on his presidential address. This was important work and I have no word of criticism of it. But the Association has changed, and today it leaves to the harried wearer of its presidential toga little time to reflect about the status of political science and his own impact, if any, upon it. An active Association life, now happily centered in our new Washington office, is enough to occupy the full time of your President, and universities as well as this Association might well take note. Therefore, in presenting my own reflections to you this evening in accordance with the custom of our Association, I do so without the benefit of the generous time and scholarly leisure which were the privileges of some of my distinguished predecessors.Nevertheless I do base my presidential address today upon my own active participation in the problems of government, as well as upon my scholarly experience. I have extracted it in part from the dynamics of pulsating political life. It has whatever authority I may possess after having been exposed these twenty-five years to the cross-fire of politics, domestic and foreign, as well as to the benign and corrective influences of eager students and charitable colleagues.


2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lubomír Kopeček ◽  
Pavel Pšeja

This article attempts to analyze developments within the Czech Left after 1989. Primarily, the authors focus on two questions: (1) How did the Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD) achieve its dominance of the Left? (2)What is the relationship between the Social Democrats and the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM)? We conclude that the unsuccessful attempt to move the KSČM towards a moderate leftist identity opened up a space in which the Social Democrats could thrive, at the same time gradually assuming a pragmatic approach towards the Communists. Moreover, the ability of Miloš Zeman, the leader of the Social Democrats, to build a clear non-Communist Left alternative to the hegemony of the Right during the 1990s was also very important.


2002 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Roderick Kiewiet ◽  
Mikhail G. Myagkov

Many predicted that the strength of the Communist Party in Russia would wane as the elderly pensioners who disproportionately supported the party died off. Contrary to this prediction, the findings of our analysis indicate that voters who reached retirement age during the past decade were even more supportive of the communists than the cohort of pensioners who preceded them. We believe this occurred because it was workers approaching retirement, not pensioners per se, who were disproportionately injured by the transition to a more market-oriented economy. Like pensioners they lost savings, but in many cases they also lost their jobs. They also had little opportunity to learn the new skills that the Russian economy increasingly calls for. There is as yet no indication that the communists have begun to die out.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (04) ◽  
pp. 739
Author(s):  
Gregory J. Kasza

The purpose of the present symposium was to evaluate Perestroika's impact. Since theAmerican Political Science Review(APSR), theAmerican Journal of Political Science(AJPS), and theJournal of Politics(JOP) were all targets of criticism in the movement, whereas other national and regional association journals such asPerspectives on PoliticsandPolitical Research Quarterlywere not, I looked for change in the former. Comparable data on the past contents of theAPSRandAJPShad already been published, so I focused my recent surveys on those two. This focus implies no judgment as to the relative prestige of these journals. They pretend to represent the discipline as a whole and are paid for by all association members, and these are sufficient reasons to address their editorial biases.


The Forum ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie L. Carson

AbstractGary Jacobson is one of the world’s leading experts studying US congressional elections. This essay examines his contributions to political science over the past 40 years.


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