Maintaining a Collaborative Environment Between Turkey and Israel on the Issue of Energy Resources

Author(s):  
Devrim Şahin ◽  
Ahmet Sözen

The discovery of energy sources in the Eastern Mediterranean region, while providing opportunities, further complicates Turkey-Israeli relationship. If Israel and Turkey can cooperate on energy, they can revitalize their relationship to the extent when the military elites were strong in Turkey and the relationship between two countries was established with the hands of generals. The 2016 Israel-Turkey agreement, which ended years of tension, provides Israel and Turkey with the opportunity to cooperate in energy areas. This collaboration, in turn, could generate the eventual emergence of the new ruling elites that would fill the vacuum created by the decline of the military's role in Turkey. It was the crisis management experience of the US that made the agreement between two countries possible in June 2016. Yet, any normalization process between Israel and Turkey will not be easy. US policy in the Mideast influences Turkey-Israel relations, and Turkey-Israel relations, in turn, affect the future of the Middle East. This obliges the US to bear a tremendous responsibility.

1986 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 751-774 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel J. Sokolsky

AbstractThe renewal of the Canada-US North American Aerospace Defence (NORAD) agreement in March 1986 will not end the debate on the relationship between NORAD and trends in American strategy, including the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI). This article reviews and explains the various strains of that debate. It points out why some in Canada argue that participation in NORAD will inevitably lead to Canadian involvement in the ballistic missile defence objective of the SDI. It also notes, however, why the military and other observers are concerned that strategic and technological trends in the US may make it difficult for Canada to remain active in North American aerospace defence, and indeed, even to provide for its own air sovereignty.


Sexualities ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 776-792 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Connell

More than five years out from its implementation, we still know relatively little about how members of the US military and its ancillary institutions are responding to the repeal of Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell. Contrary to what one might expect given the long history of LGBTQ antipathy in the military, I found in interviews with Boston area Reserve Officer Training Core (ROTC) cadets unanimous approval for the repeal of DADT. When pressed to explain why there was so much homogeneity of favorable opinion regarding the repeal, interviewees repeatedly offered the same explanation: that Boston, in particular, is such a progressive place that even more conservative institutions like the ROTC are spared anti-gay sentiment. They imagined the Southern and/or rural soldier they will soon encounter when they enter the US military, one who represents the traditionally homophobic attitudes of the old military in contrast to their more enlightened selves. This “metronormative” narrative has been critiqued elsewhere as inadequate for understanding the relationship between sexuality and place; this article contributes to that critique by taking a new approach. Rather than deconstruct narratives of queer rurality, as the majority of metronormativity scholarship has done, I deconstruct these narratives of urban queer liberation. I find that such narratives mask the murkier realities of LGBTQ attitudes in urban contexts and allow residents like the ROTC cadets in this study to displace blame about anti-gay prejudice to a distant Other, outside of their own ranks.


2008 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-53
Author(s):  
Denise Mackay ◽  
Margie Comrie

War correspondents, long the object of popular fascination, have been the focus of academic study since Phillip Knightley published The First Casualty in 1976. While New Zealand journalists did not cover the second Iraq War in 2003, the furore over the US practice of ‘embedding’ journalists was felt in New Zealand. Drawing on in-depth interviews with seven seasoned defence reporters, this article examines the relationship between the New Zealand Army and journalists during times of conflict.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-149

This paper offers a perspective on the relationship between Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the military in modern complex Peace Operations, whether or not mandated by the United Nations (UN). The relationship between the two has often been marked by acrimony and mutual exchange of accusations for the claimed lack of success for advancing a joint agenda nested within the Comprehensive Approach. It suggests that the need for cooperation and mutually agreeable objectives between both sets of actors has never been more pressing. The paper further argues that much of this ‘Collision of Mindsets’ is predicated on fundamental ‘fault lines’ of cultural differences accentuated by a lack of understanding or unwillingness to see the others perspective, and that, correspondingly, each needs to actively embrace an agreed Modus Vivendi so both can share and cooperate on the stage of modern crisis management/humanitarian scenarios.


Author(s):  
James W. Pardew

The US engagement in the former Yugoslavia demonstrates the value of American leadership in an international crisis. This chapter highlights the critical importance of strong European democracies and NATO to American national security. It also emphasizes multilateral cooperation with key allies and international organizations as the best means to promote US security interests. Pardew draws from his crisis management experiences in the former Yugoslavia to present valuable lessons on the function of special envoys, activist diplomacy, the military role in humanitarian interventions, and the practical aspect of implementing a negotiated peace agreement.


Author(s):  
Terry Young ◽  
Peggy Crawford

The war in Iraq created a division between the United States and some members of the European Union. The war also split the EU, with France and Germany leading the anti-war camp and Britain, Italy, Portugal, and Spain supporting Washington. With organized warfare over, the United States has shifted its attention from the military campaign to the installation of a legitimate and stable government in Iraq. However, the administration of post-war Iraq has caused the division between the US and Europe to widen.The multilateralists, France and Germany, are demanding a central role for the UN in rebuilding Iraq. France, in particular, believes that the task should be left to the UN alone. They suggest this would help legitimize what they consider to be an illegal war. On the other hand, the US, which accepted a great burden with the pre-emptive attack on Iraq, wants the UN to have a vital but limited role in post-war Iraq. The US believes that the UN needs serious repair before any responsibilities can be handed to it.This study examines the economic, political, and security implications of the division between these old allies. The relationship between the US and EU is based on years of cooperation. Both sides know that they must mend fences sooner rather than later. We contend that pragmatism will triumph over geo-politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
William A. Wagstaff

What determines military effectiveness? Previous literature has examined factors such as military doctrine, culture, and capabilities, as well as regime type and civil–military relations, but has largely ignored military leadership quality. Competent military leaders positively influence battle outcomes by ensuring proper implementation of battleplans and quick reaction to an increasingly dynamic battlefield. This paper formally models the relationship between high-ranking military commanders and their immediate subordinates to examine the commander’s ability to evaluate her personnel. I vary the ability of the subordinates to signal their commander to determine how different signaling structures influence what commanders may learn. This analysis reveals that commanders opt for less informative signals from subordinates as the military professionalizes, potentially impeding their ability to identify and remove incompetent subordinates. Leaving incompetent subordinates in command reduces the ability of the military to improve. Evidence from the US Army’s leadership decisions after the Battle of Kasserine Pass and Operation Avalanche illustrates these results.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-34
Author(s):  
Andini Anissa

When the Arab Spring swept through the Arab world as far as Syria, Turkey and Russia were not on the same side. Turkey demand a regime change, while Russia supports the regime. The relationship between the two countries was also exacerbated by the downing of the Sukhoi-24 jet which led Russia to impose a number of sanctions on Turkey. However, from 2016 to 2019, the relationship between the two has started to improve. This was marked by various cooperation to end the civil war in Syria. Based on the theory of balance of power, Turkey should balance against Russia because every country always try to prevent one country from dominating. Instead they both cooperate. The military intervention carried out by Russia in Syria in 2015 can be analysed as an attempt to change the global balance of power, while Turkey can be categorized as a regional rising power. This article tries to answer: why Turkey choose to cooperate with Russia in Syria? I argue that the change in the Turkey's foreign policy during the AKP's increasingly harsher against the Kurds. This caused friction with the US, so that Turkey establish strategic relations with Russia to fight Kurdish in Syria.


Author(s):  
Ilan Zvi Baron

Questions arose about what it meant to support a country whose political future the author has no say in as a Diaspora Jew. The questions became all the more pronounced the more I learned about Israel’s history. Many Jews feel the same way, and often are uncomfortable with what such an obligation can mean, in no small part because of concerns over being identified with Israel because of one’s Jewish heritage or because of the overwhelming significance that Israel has come to have for Jewish identity. Israel’s significance is matched by how much is published about Israel. Increasingly, this literature is not only about trying to explain Israel’s wars, the military occupation or other parts of its history, but about the relationship between Diaspora1 Jewry and Israel.


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