Daring More Democracy? Internal Security and the Social Democratic Fight against West German Terrorism

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karrin Hanshew

Over the course of the 1970s, West Germans fought one another in an attempt to defend democracy. Frustrated with the seemingly ineffectual speeches and demonstrations of the 1960s protest movements, militant groups such as the Red Army Faction (RAF), June 2ndMovement, and the Red Cells took up arms. They declared war on the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) for its failure to rid itself of the vestiges of fascism, for its hierarchical-authoritarian structure, and for the abuses of western consumer society. Inspired by national liberation movements in the formerly colonized world, the groups aimed both to raise revolutionary consciousness among the West German population and to demonstrate the state's vulnerability through illegal action. The RAF, in particular, stressed the importance of violence as a simultaneous act of emancipation and defense—the latter understood as counterviolence necessitated by state-initiated violence. The repeated violation of norms would, its members argued, undermine Germans' traditional “habit of obedience” and, at the same time, force the state to reveal openly its fascism. These tough-love tactics, in short, aimed to save West Germans from themselves and thereby save German democracy.

Author(s):  
Erika Fischer-Lichte

Chapter 7, ‘Inventing New Forms of Political Theatre’, covers the 1960s and 1970s. It situates the chosen productions in the socio-political climate of the GDR—that is, within the discussions on the leadership of the Party—and in the Federal Republic of Germany, where the anti-authoritarian movement, the student movement, and the emergence of the Red Army Faction provide the context. The aesthetics of Benno Besson’s Oedipus Tyrant (1967, East Berlin), Hansgünther Heyme’s Oedipus (1968, Cologne), Hans Neuenfels’ Medea (1976), and Christoph Nel’s Antigone (1978, both in Frankfurt/Main) is evaluated in terms of their contribution to this discussion and their political stance. The last three productions serve as examples of how the Bildungsbürgertum—still the majority of the theatregoers in West Germany—wanted the politicization of theatre to be not merely justified but mandatory.


LOGOS ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 14-25
Author(s):  
David Emblidge

Cody’s Books, in Berkeley, California, had its roots during the mid-1950s in the left-wing sympathies of its founders, the husband–wife team of Fred and Patricia Cody. Serving the University of California nearby, the much admired bookstore became a hangout and haven for intellectually curious students and faculty. In the social protest movements of the 1960s, the store functioned as a refuge from street violence as students and police clashed outside. When long-term employee Andy Ross bought the shop upon the Codys’ retirement, it was a thriving business but soon ran into challenges from encroaching chain stores and the emergence of online shopping. Ross responded variously: sometimes with ambitious, effective bookselling tactics, sometimes with ineffective resentment towards consumers who had abandoned the store. Attempts to survive through risky refinancing and the infusion of foreign investment money to support expansion into San Francisco all backfired. The last Cody’s branch closed ignominiously in 2008.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 589-614
Author(s):  
NIKOLAOS PAPADOGIANNIS

AbstractThis article examines the emotional standards and experiences connected with the entehno laiko music composed by Mikis Theodorakis that was immensely popular among left-wing Greek migrants, workers and students, living in West Germany in the 1960s and the early 1970s. Expanding on a body of literature that explores the transnational dimensions of protest movements in the 1960s and the 1970s, the article demonstrates that these transnational dimensions were not mutually exclusive with the fact that at least some of those protestors felt that they belonged to a particular nation. Drawing on the conceptual framework put forth by Barbara Rosenwein, it argues that the performance of these songs was conducive to the making of a (trans)national emotional community. On the one hand, for Greek left-wingers residing in West Germany and, after 1967, for Greek centrists too, the collective singing of music composed by Theodorakis initially served as a means of ‘overcoming fear’ and of forging committed militants who struggled for the social and political transformation of their country of origin. On the other, from the late 1960s onwards those migrants increasingly enacted this emotional community with local activists from West Germany as well.


2005 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 10
Author(s):  
Rae Walker

Each year the Australian Journal of Primary Health devotes one issue to a special theme under the auspices of a guest editor. In 2006 the focus of the special issue will be on community-based care. Since the 1960s the aspiration to community-based care has become increasingly important for users of services as well as policy-makers. The evolution of community-based care has been influenced by deep currents of change in Western societies. Technical developments in areas such as dialysis technology and pharmaceuticals have made some kinds of complex care in community settings feasible. The evolution of market-based service frameworks and the "consumer society" have strengthened arguments that services should adapt to consumer aspirations by providing more services in communities familiar to their users. In a similar vein the drive for efficiency in public service provision has motivated policy-makers to explore ways of reducing the cost of services whilst striving to maintain quality. The social justice argument has been fundamental to deinstitutionalising people with complex needs.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Artur Braun

*The assassination of Federal Attorney General Siegfried Buback as chief prosecutor of the Federal Republic of Germany in April 1977 was phenomenologically a successful frontal strike against the West German state. Even today, members of the Red Army Faction claim credit for this assassination as a success of the resistance against the Federal Republic, which with military precision and at equal level had plunged the state power into a national crisis. Buback played a noticeable role in the East-West conflict of the 60s and 70s as a federal prosecutor. With the departure of the era of détente, he was appointed attorney general and became the protagonist of the fight against terrorism. The so-called "Kissinger Cables", classified diplomatic correspondence of the US State Department from the years 1973-1976, provide a glimpse on what turmoil the Federal Attorney General created for the Allies and the German government until shortly before his assassination. The purpose of this manuscript is to analyze Buback’s action during the East-West conflict of the 60s and 70s and to come to a view of the same from the diplomatic point of view of the Allies and the Federal Government.*


Author(s):  
Iryna Vereshchahina

This article deals with the main problems of the role of social networks and social media platforms in the social and political life of the Federal Republic of Germany and in the mobilization of some population groups using the example of the Project Stuttgart 21. The author will consider the traditional medias loss their monopoly on the dissemination of information. It will also consider the emergence of new types of social medias and their active development. The shift in the role of the media user by communication, online and offline participation of ordinary citizens, institutions and political parties in the Federal Republic of Germany and their activity is also investigated. Finally the author analyses the emergence of alternative medias and social media platforms of protest, which were provoked by the Project Stuttgart 21. The main strategies and methods of online communication between different groups of protesters, some for and some against this project, are defined. The study found that the social networks and social media platforms have ever more influence on the social and political life of the Federal Republic of Germany and can mobilize the German population and consolidate it in interactive groups, so that an exchange between these groups will stimulate the emergence and support of a group identity.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosa Jaitin

This article covers several stages of the work of Pichon-Rivière. In the 1950s he introduced the hypothesis of "the link as a four way relationship" (of reciprocal love and hate) between the baby and the mother. Clinical work with psychosis and psychosomatic disorders prompted him to examine how mental illness arises; its areas of expression, the degree of symbolisation, and the different fields of clinical observation. From the 1960s onwards, his experience with groups and families led him to explore a second path leading to "the voices of the link"—the voice of the internal family sub-group, and the place of the social and cultural voice where the link develops. This brought him to the definition of the link as a "bi-corporal and tri-personal structure". The author brings together the different levels of the analysis of the link, using as a clinical example the process of a psychoanalytic couple therapy with second generation descendants of a genocide within the limits of the transferential and countertransferential field. Body language (the core of the transgenerational link) and the couple's absences and presence during sessions create a rhythm that gives rise to an illusion, ultimately transforming the intersubjective link between the partners in the couple and with the analyst.


Author(s):  
Aled Davies

This chapter concerns the politics of managing the domestic banking system in post-war Britain. It examines the pressures brought to bear on the post-war settlement in banking during the 1960s and 1970s—in particular, the growth of new credit creating institutions and the political demand for more competition between banks. This undermined the social democratic model for managing credit established since the war. The chapter focuses in particular on how the Labour Party attempted in the 1970s to produce a banking system that was competitive, efficient, and able to channel credit to the struggling industrial economy.


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