Domesticating a Mystic: Catholic Saint-Making in Weimar Germany

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 228-248
Author(s):  
Cassandra Painter
Keyword(s):  
Religious Belief ◽  
Weimar Republic ◽  
Popular Press ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Modern City ◽  
Weimar Germany ◽  
Push And Pull

AbstractVeneration of Westphalian stigmatic and visionary Anna Katharina Emmerick (1774–1824) reached new heights during the Weimar Republic. German Catholics engaged in promoting her beatification cause organized a multipronged, multimedia campaign. Priests and laypersons, as well as the popular press and theological journals, all encouraged the veneration of Emmerick as “a crucified saint for a crucifiedVolk.” Memories of Napoleonic French aggression, secularization, and waning religious belief provided revanchist Weimar German Catholics with a readymade narrative of victimization. Moreover, as a poster child of the WestphalianHeimat, her pilgrimage sites offered a spiritual antidote to the “godless” modern city. Meanwhile, everyday Catholics continued a century-old, locally-based tradition of veneration that did not strictly conform to the new “official” line. Emmerick's Weimar cult, and the modern saint-making process more generally, thus provide a window onto the push and pull between clergy and laity, men and women, institutional and popular forces, in shaping lived German Catholicism in the 1920s.

Prisoners’ fantasies in Weimar film

2009 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 290-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ofer Ashkenazi
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Weimar Republic ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
World War ◽  
Modern City ◽  
The Public ◽  
Bourgeois Society ◽  
Weimar Cinema ◽  
Public Criticism

Prison cells constituted a unique sphere in post-World War I German films. Unlike most of the modern city spheres, it was a realm in which the private and the public often merged, and in which reality and fantasy incessantly intertwined. This article analyses the ways in which filmmakers of the Weimar Republic envisaged the experience within the prison, focusing on its frequent association with fantasies and hallucinations. Through the analysis of often-neglected films from the period, I argue that this portrayal of the prison enabled Weimar filmmakers to engage in public criticism against the conservative, inefficient and prejudiced institutions of law and order in Germany. Since German laws forbade direct defamation of these institutions, filmmakers such as Joe May, Wilhelm Dietherle and Georg C. Klaren employed the symbolism of the prisoner’s fantasy to propagate the urgent need for thorough reform. Thus this article suggests that Weimar cinema, contrary to common notions, was not dominated by either escapism or extremist, anti-liberal worldviews. Instead, the prison films examined in this article are in fact structured as a warning against the decline of liberal bourgeois society in the German urban centres of the late 1920s.

scholarly journals PERSEPSI ANTARA TENAGA KERJA PENDATANG LAKI-LAKI DAN PEREMPUAN TERHADAP PUSH AND PULL FACTORS

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 148-161
Author(s):  
Septiani Riwanti ◽  
Dwi Kartikasari
Keyword(s):  
Migrant Workers ◽  
Pull Factors ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Pull Factor ◽  
Push And Pull Factors ◽  
Job Opportunities ◽  
Job Opportunity ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Push And Pull ◽  
Push Factor

This research is aimed to know the difference of perception between National Migrant Workers of Men And Women Against Push And Pull Factors. The variable of push factors used in this research is that of job field, low wage, seeking capital and necessity of life. And pull factors are job opportunities, high wages, distance and culture. Then the data is processed using SPSS 20 software with parametric metode that is independent sample t test. The result of the research revealed that there is no difference of perception between men and women on the job field (push factor), there is no difference of perception between men and women to low wages (push factor), there is no difference of perception between men and women against looking for capital (push factor), there are differences of perceptions between men and women on the necessity of life (push factor), there are differences of perceptions between man and woman to job opportunity (pull factor), there are differences of perceptions between men (pull factor), there are differences in perceptions between men and women on the distance factor (pull factor) and there are differences in perceptions between men and women to the pull factor

Social Policy in the Weimar Republic

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl Christian Führer
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Weimar Republic ◽  
War Veterans ◽  
Minimal Support ◽  
Weimar Germany ◽  
Public Expectations ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Economic Constraints

Social policy was immensely important in Weimar Germany. In this area the republic, defining itself as a welfare state, frequently clashed with the expectations of its citizens. In fact, Weimar’s social policy was progressive and ambitious, for instance implementing unemployment welfare and collective bargaining agreements as two of its key pillars. But the tight economic constraints in which the Weimar state was operating also meant that the minimal support for pensioners, disabled war veterans, and war widows during the hyperinflation created true and lasting hardship. Furthermore, many citizens experienced the assessment of their claims as unfair and humiliating. Social policy in Weimar Germany was severely burdened by the limited financial possibilities the state had available. Ultimately, the republic failed in adequately communicating why it could not match public expectations.

GERMANY'S FIRST REPUBLIC

2001 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 579-585
Author(s):  
MARTYN HOUSDEN
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Weimar Republic ◽  
Upper Silesia ◽  
Cambridge University ◽  
Weimar Germany ◽  
Weimarer Republik ◽  
First Republic ◽  
Eastern Border

Republik ohne Chance? Akzeptanz und Legitimation der Weimarer Republik in der deutschen Tagespresse zwischen 1918 und 1923. By Burkhard Asmuss. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1994. Pp. 619. ISBN 3-110-14197-3. DM280.00.Heinrich Brüning and the dissolution of the Weimar Republic. By William L. Patch. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Pp. 358. ISBN 0-521-62422-3. £42.50.National identity and Weimar Germany: Upper Silesia and the eastern border, 1918–1922. By T. Hunt Tooley. Lincoln, Nebraska, and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1997. Pp. 320. ISBN 0-803-24429-0. £53.00.Reichswehr und Rote Armee, 1920–1933: Wege und Stationen einer ungewönlichen Zusammenarbeit. By Manfred Zeidler. Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 1993. Pp. 375. ISBN 3-486-55966-4. DM78.00.

BETWEEN REFORM AND REPRESSION: IMPRISONMENT IN WEIMAR GERMANY

2002 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 411-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
NIKOLAUS WACHSMANN
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Criminal Law ◽  
Weimar Republic ◽  
Early Years ◽  
New Approach ◽  
Penal Policy ◽  
Weimar Germany ◽  
Modern School ◽  
Prisoner Rehabilitation

This is the first account of the prison in the Weimar Republic (1918–33), set in the context of the evolution of German social policy. In the early years, the Weimar prison was characterized by hunger, overcrowding, and conflict. At this time, leading officials agreed on a new approach to imprisonment, influenced by the demand for the ‘incapacitation of incorrigibles, reformation of reformables’. This principle was championed by the modern school of criminal law, designed to replace traditional policy based on deterrence and uniform retribution. The policy of reform and repression shaped the Weimar prison. Most prison officials supported the indefinite confinement of ‘incorrigibles’. While this did not become law, many prisoners classified as ‘incorrigible’ (increasingly after ‘objective’ examinations) received worse treatment than others, both in prison and after their release. Regarding the ‘reformables’, some institutions introduced measures aimed at prisoner rehabilitation. But such policies were not fully implemented in other prisons, not least because of resistance by local prison officials. During the collapse of the Weimar Republic in the early 1930s, measures aimed at rehabilitation, only just introduced, were cut back again. By contrast, the repression of ‘incorrigibles’ was pursued with even more vigour than before, an important legacy for Nazi penal policy.

The Crisis of the Psyche and the Future of Germany: The Encounter with Freud in the Weimar Republic

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-345 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony D. Kauders
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Weimar Republic ◽  
German Culture ◽  
Weimar Germany ◽  
The Future ◽  
Favorable Change ◽  
Younger Generation

Some two decades ago, Peter Fritzsche wrote the first of two influential essays that questioned the then common conviction that Weimar Germany was all about doom and gloom. “What is distinctive about twentieth-century German culture,” he argued, “is not simply ‘crisis’—economic, political, cultural—but the widespread consciousness of crisis and the allied conviction that these emergency conditions could be managed to Germany's advantage.” Recently, Fritzsche's view has been taken up and expanded by a younger generation of German scholars, who have detailed how “crisis” meant different things to different people, often denoting the possibility of favorable change. This insistence on “crisis” as the beginning of something (positively) new is in many ways the most far-reaching application of the anti-teleological turn in Weimar historiography.

Bolshevizing Communist Women: The Red Women and Girls' League in Weimar Germany

2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 268-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Ann Sewell
Keyword(s):  
Weimar Republic ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
German Economy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Weimar Germany ◽  
Foreign Occupation ◽  
History Of ◽  
Women And Girls ◽  
Dramatic Shift ◽  
Coups D'etat

The year 1924 marked a fundamental turning point in the history of the Weimar Republic. After months of deep crises in 1923, which included foreign occupation, hyperinflation, and attempted coups d'état by both communists and Nazis, the German economy and polity entered a phase of relative stability, and social peace loomed on the horizon. Recognizing the dramatic shift in the sociopolitical landscape, the German Communist Party (Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands, KPD) also underwent a significant transformation. On the political front, the most notable event was the ousting of Ruth Fischer and Arkadij Maslow, under the heavy hand of Moscow, in favor of Ernst Thälmann.

Man and Money Ready

2018 ◽  
pp. 596-622
Author(s):  
April F. Masten
Keyword(s):  
Popular Press ◽  
Men And Women

That dancing was part of antebellum America’s rough-and-tumble world of sport is little known today, but scores of men and women made their names and livings by challenging each other to jig, hornpipe, and even ballet competitions. Jig dancers earned continental reputations as artists and athletes by matching up in scored bouts for hefty purses, silver belts, and side bets. Champion dancers gained large followings as they met in local taverns or toured circus and theater circuits. This chapter argues that challenge dancing thrived in the 1840s and 1850s because it tapped into trends and traditions popular among whites and blacks of both sexes. Challenge dancers engaged in trials of skill, combined Irish and African steps, emulated boxers, wore blackface, copied danseuses, and exploited the popular press. In the process, they transformed a local entertainment into a marketable, media-driven profession with national, and even transnational, appeal.

Social Democrats and Communists in Weimar Germany

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joachim C. Häberlen
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Weimar Republic ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Weimar Germany ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter discusses the Social Democratic and Communist Parties during the Weimar Republic. The Weimar Republic was the working-class movement’s biggest accomplishment; and yet, it was also an immense disappointment for many in the working-class movement. Social Democrats considered the achievements of the republic, such as equal voting rights and the extension of the social welfare state, a tremendous victory; for Communists, by contrast, the revolution of 1918 had not gone far enough. They had hoped that Germany would follow the Soviet Union’s example towards socialism, and when this did not happen, they felt that Social Democracy had betrayed the revolution. The result was a lasting division within the working-class movement, which the chapter analyses. The chapter first inquires about the role both parties played in the foundation of the republic; it then looks in more detail into the parties during the republic, emphasizing the Social Democrats’ support for Weimar, and the Communists’ attempts to prepare for a revolution in non-revolutionary times; finally, the chapter explores how both parties responded to the economic depression and the mounting political violence at the end of the republic.

Campaigning Against Bolshevism: Catholic Action in Late Weimar Germany

2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 550-573
Author(s):  
Klaus Große Kracht
Keyword(s):  
Interwar Period ◽  
Weimar Republic ◽  
Nazi Party ◽  
Catholic Action ◽  
Weimar Germany ◽  
Fertile Soil ◽  
The Right

Under the banner of ‘Catholic Action’, Pius XI called the laity during the interwar period to struggle for a worldwide ‘re-Christianization of society’. Whatever this meant in detail, a religious frontline against communism was an essential part of the papal programme. Catholic anti-communism was not just a reaction to anticlerical communist ideas, however; rather, it accompanied the development of communist and socialist parties in Europe from the very beginning. As I will show in this article through the example of the diocese of Berlin, this papal anti-communism fell on fertile soil in the Catholic milieu of the Weimar Republic, and especially so within Catholic Action. At the head of Catholic Action in Berlin was Erich Klausener, who would later become a prominent victim of the so-called Night of the Long Knives (30 June 1934), when Hitler had a number of his political opponents on both the right and left executed. As we shall see, though, the activists of Catholic Action saw their political enemy less in the ascendant Nazi Party and more in communist propaganda, which they tried to defeat with all the means at their disposal.

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