scholarly journals Indigenous Conflict in Bolivia Explored through an African Lens: Towards a Comparative Analysis of Indigeneity

2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 308-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Canessa

AbstractSince Evo Morales was first elected President of Bolivia in 2005, indigeneity has moved from being a language of protest to a language of governance with concomitant profound changes in how indigeneity is imagined and mobilized. However, one of the striking features of Morales's presidency is his administration's open conflict with various indigenous groups. Although a number of scholars have addressed these issues, they have largely focused on the peculiarities of the Bolivian example in a Latin American context; this has obscured the advantage of significant comparative analysis with other areas of the world. I argue that indigeneity as it is currently practiced and understood is a recent global phenomenon and that there are more similarities between African countries and Bolivia than is generally appreciated. In particular, scholarly debates surrounding the difference between autochthony and indigeneity, and the case of Cameroon in particular, have much to offer in our understanding of the Bolivian case. To date, the primary frame for understanding indigeneity is an ethnic/cultural one and this can obscure important similarities and differences between groups. The comparative framework presented here allows for the development of analytical tools to distinguish fundamental differences and conflicts in indigenous discourses. I distinguish between five related conceptual pairs: majoritarian and minoritarian discourses; claims on the state and claims against the state; de-territorialized peoples versus territorialized peoples; hegemonic and counterhegemonic indigeneity; and substantive versus symbolic indigeneity. These nested pairs allow for analytic distinctions between indigenous rights discourses without recourse to discussions of culture and authenticity.

2006 ◽  
pp. 70-85
Author(s):  
Vitaliy I. Docush

At the intersection of the second and third millennia in connection with the natural (destruction of the state of the earth, water and atmosphere) and social (alcoholism, drug addiction, immoralism, extremism, wars, etc.) cataclysms that are taking on a global character, the eschatological prophecies about the end of the world have intensified the coming of the millennial Kingdom of God. In contrast to the existing problems, the Kingdom of God is offered as an ideal system of government with such qualitative characteristics as equality, justice, material and spiritual completeness.


Author(s):  
Floribert Patrick C. Endong

Cultural heritage preservation is a sine qua non for the effective technological, scientific, and economic development of nations across the world. This follows the theory stating that culture is life and that there is a cultural factor in technological development. In view of this truism, most African states and social institutions have these last years embarked on multifaceted tactics aimed at heritage conservation in their respective national territories. These preservation efforts have yielded only patchy fruits as they are confronted to the forces of modernism and globalization. Thus, modernism and globalization have continued to represent big threats to heritage preservation in many African countries. This chapter illustrates this thesis through a comparative study of cultural heritage management in Cameroon and Nigeria. The chapter begins by examining the extent to which heritage preservation is feasible in an era governed by modernism and globalization before exploring similarities and differences in the ways modernism and globalization affect heritage preservation in Nigeria and Cameroon.


Author(s):  
Daniela Spenser

Vicente Lombardo Toledano was born into a prosperous family in 1894 in Teziutlán, Puebla, and died in Mexico City in 1968. His life is a window into the history of the 20th century: the rise and fall of the old regime; the Mexican Revolution and the transformations that the revolution made in society; the intellectual and social reconstruction of the country under new parameters that included the rise of the labor movement to political prominence as well as the intervention of the trade unions in the construction and consolidation of the state; the dispute over the course of the nation in the tumultuous 1930s; and the configuration of the political and ideological left in Mexico. Lombardo Toledano’s life and work illustrate Mexico’s connections with the world during the Second World War and the Cold War. Lombardo Toledano belonged to the intellectual elite of men and women who considered themselves progressives, Marxists, and socialists; they believed in a bright future for humanity. He viewed himself as the conscious reflection of the unconscious movement of the masses. With unbridled energy and ideological fervor, he founded unions, parties, and newspapers. During the course of his life, he adhered to various beliefs, from Christianity to Marxism, raising dialectical materialism to the level of a theory of knowledge of absolute proportions in the same fashion that he previously did with idealism. In life, he aroused feelings of love and hate; he was the object of royal welcomes and the target of several attacks; national and international espionage agencies did not let him out of their sight. He was detained in and expelled from several countries and prevented from visiting others. Those who knew him still evoke his incendiary oratorical style, which others remember as soporific. His admirers praise him as the helmsman of Mexican and Latin American workers; others scorn the means he used to achieve his goals as opportunist. Lombardo Toledano believed that the Soviet Union had achieved a future that Mexico could not aspire to imitate. Mexico was a semifeudal and semicolonial country, hindered by imperialism in its economic development and the creation of a national bourgeoisie, without which it could not pass on to the next stage in the evolution of mankind and without which the working class and peasantry were doomed to underdevelopment. In his interpretation of history, the autonomy of the subordinate classes did not enter into the picture; rather it was the intellectual elites allied with the state who had the task of instilling class consciousness in them. No matter how prominent a personality he was in his time, today few remember the maestro Vicente Lombardo Toledano, despite the many streets and schools named after him. However, the story of his life reveals the vivid and contradictory history of the 20th century, with traces that remain in contemporary Mexico.


1995 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor M. Uribe

Simón Bolívar, soon to become an icon of Latin American independence, wrote a celebrated document, dated from Kingston, his place of temporary exile, on September 6, 1815. Bolívar's document, later known as the Jamaica Letter, made prophesies for Latin America's future, appraised its contemporary political conditions, and justified the region's current rebellions against the Spanish crown. Chief among the justifications for rebellion was the exclusion of American-born Spaniards, or creoles, from administration, government, and politics. Wrote Bolívar:We were cut off and, as it were, virtually removed from the world in relation to the science of government and administration of the state. We were never viceroys or governors, save in the rarest instances; seldom archbishops and bishops; diplomats never; as military men, only subordinates; as nobles, without royal privileges. In brief, we were neither magistrates nor financiers.


2010 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Krupa

Recent ethnographic work on the state has exposed a crack in one of the founding myths of modern political power. Despite the state's transcendental claim to wielding absolute, exclusive authority within national territory, scholars have shown that in much of the world there are, in fact, “too many actors competing to perform as state,” sites where various power blocs “are acting as the state and producing the same powerful effects” (Aretxaga 2003: 396, 398) Achille Mbembe (2001: 74), writing of the external fiscal controls imposed upon African countries during the late 1980s, has termed this a condition of “fractionated sovereignty”—the dispersal of official state functions among various non-state actors. There is, as Mbembe suggests, “nothing particularly African” about this situation (ibid.). Around the world, the power of various “shadow” organizations like arms dealers and paramilitary groups seems increasingly to depend upon their ability to out-perform the state in many of its definitive functions, from the provision of security and welfare to the collection of taxes and administration of justice (Nugent 1999; Nordstrom 2004; Hansen 2005). These observations present a serious challenge to conventional state theory. They force us to consider whether such conditions of fragmented, competitive statecraft might be better understood not as deviant exceptions to otherwise centralized political systems but, rather, as the way that government is actually experienced in much of the world today.


2007 ◽  
Vol 33 (S1) ◽  
pp. 25-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
FRIEDRICH KRATOCHWIL

ABSTRACTThis article revisits some of the theoretical debates within the field of IR since Ashley and Cox challenged the mainstream. But in so doing it attempts also to show that the proposed alternatives have their own blind spots that are subjected in the second part to discursive criticism. Neither Ashley’s celebration of the wisdom of old realists nor their ‘silence’ on economics, nor the notion of ‘internationalisation of the state’ and of the world order are adequate for understanding politics in the era of globalisation. Instead, a critical theory has to examine the political projects that were engendered by the Hobbesian conception of order and rationality. Highlighting the disconnect between our present political vocabularies and the actual political practices, I argue that a critical theory has not only to ‘criticise’ existing approaches but has to rethink and re-conceptualise praxis, which is ill served by the analytical tools which are imported to this field from ‘theory’.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Festo Wachawaseme Gabriel

Communicating cultural heritage to the public has gained popularity in many African countries and the world at large. However,little efforts have been done to promote the practice of public archaeology in Tanzania. The main reason is the dominance of conventional archaeology which is mainly meant for academic consumption. In this kind of practice, the participation of local communities has been passive. This paper explores local communities’ understanding of cultural heritage resources focusing on local communities in the Mtwara Region of Tanzania. The results of this study reveal that little effort has been made by archaeologists and cultural heritage professionals to create awareness among local communities on matters related to archaeology and cultural heritage resources. Apart from discussing the state of local communities’ awareness on archaeology and cultural heritage resources, the paper also discusses the importance of communicating cultural heritage resources to the general public and the need to engage local communities in the conservation and preservation of cultural heritage resources.


2019 ◽  
pp. 120-126
Author(s):  
Yu. D. Shmelev

The development trends and the state of income tax systems in the world and the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union have been analyzed. Their similarities and differences have been revealed. The problem of harmonization of the legislation of income taxation of individuals has been considered. The assessment of justice and efficiency of the existing systems of income taxation in the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union has been carried out. The concept of harmonization has been proposed, which allows not only to unify the laws of the Eurasian Economic Union countries, but also to ensure an increase of the efficiency and fairness of the system of income taxation of individuals.


Author(s):  
Andrii Ighorovych Denysov ◽  
Hennadii Yevhenovych Bershov ◽  
Viacheslav Vitaliiovych Krykun ◽  
Olha Zhydovtseva

The issue of protecting critical infrastructure as one of the components of national security is analyzed. The following methods were used in the study: bibliographic, dialectical, empirical, and theoretical, comparative, and legal. The essence of the term "critical infrastructure” is explained both according to the opinions of scientists and from the very position of the authors of the article. The importance of proper protection and proper functioning of infrastructure in Ukraine is well founded. It emphasizes the fact that for many years the issue of the importance of protecting critical infrastructure has been almost forgotten and is not relevant to the governing bodies of the state. In addition, this situation applies to many other countries in the world. The current situation shows that there are countries that, despite being among the most prosperous and innovative, did not pay attention to their situation with their own security infrastructure. It is concluded that, based on a comparative analysis of international experience, in addition to exploring the peculiarities of national realities, the article proposed measures to improve the internal state of protection of critical infrastructure.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Ahmad Farhan ◽  
Deden Bagus Putra

The word infidel is mentioned 525 times in the Qur'an. The use of this word infidel has various meanings as in the QS. Ali 'Imran:151, the word infidels are those who associate partners with Allah while in QS. Luqman:12, the Qur'an calls the disbelievers those who disbelieve in the favors of Allah. The difference in the term infidel is not only limited to the verses of the Qur'an, but also applies among commentators, scholars, intellectuals, to ordinary people, including in the understanding of Indonesian society. This research is entitled "The Meaning of Kafir in the Qur'an (Comparative Study of the Interpretation of Ibn Kasir and M. Qurais Shihab)". In order to significantly answer the questions that arise; what is the meaning of infidel in the Qur'an according to Ibn Kasir in the book of Tafsir al-Qur'an al-'Azhim and M. Quraish Shihab in the book of Tafsir al-Misbah, similarities and differences in interpretation, and the relevance of their interpretation in the Indonesian context. This research is a library research that uses descriptive comparative analysis research method with a historical approach. The results of this study are: the socio-historical context, sources of interpretation, methods, and styles have a significant influence in producing differences in the interpretation of the Qur'an, especially regarding the meaning of kafir. Between Ibn Kasir and M. Quraish Shihab agreed to interpret the word infidel in the form of isim jama 'muzakkar salim (الكَافِرُوْنَ) in five (5) verses, namely QS. al-Mai'dah: 44, QS. al-A'raf: 45, QS. al-Taubah: 32, QS. al-Ankabut: 47, and QS. al-Rum: 8 with the meaning of denying and covering, but differing in explaining the interpretation of the five verses, although the difference is not that far away. The interpretations of the two figures in this thesis are very relevant to the context of Indonesia which is multi-religious and multi-cultural.


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