Roman History

2021 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 318-329
Author(s):  
James Corke-Webster

After a focus on social and cultural history in the last issue, this issue's offerings return us to more traditional subjects – political institutions, and historiography. That spring review ended with religion, which is where we start here: an apposite reminder that religion pervades all aspects of the Roman world. It is precisely that principle which undergirds our first book, Dan-el Padilla Peralta's Divine Institutions. Padilla Peralta is interested, at root, in how the Roman state became such through the third and fourth centuries bce. That is a story usually told – in a tradition going back to the ancient historians themselves – via a swashbuckling tale of successive military campaigns. Padilla Peralta, however, sets that anachronistic narrativization aside, and instead builds a careful case that between the siege of Veii and the end of the Second Punic War ‘the Roman state remade and retooled itself into a republic defined and organized around a specific brand of institutionalized ritual practices and commitments’ (1). Specifically, he shows that the construction of temples and the public activities they facilitated were a key mechanism – one as important as warfare – by which the consensus necessary to state formation was generated: the Republic more or less stumbles into a bootstrapping formula that proves to be unusually felicitous: high visibility monumental enterprises are paired with new incentives for human mobility in ways that dramatically and enduringly reorganize the rhythms of civic and communal experience. (17–18) In particular, Padilla Peralta argues that output was greater than input; that the genius – whether accidental or deliberate – of this formula was that it facilitated a confidence game whereby the res publica appeared more capable – via the apparent support of the gods whom its visible piety secured – than was in fact the case.

Author(s):  
Angela Alonso

The Second Reign (1840–1889), the monarchic times under the rule of D. Pedro II, had two political parties. The Conservative Party was the cornerstone of the regime, defending political and social institutions, including slavery. The Liberal Party, the weaker player, adopted a reformist agenda, placing slavery in debate in 1864. Although the Liberal Party had the majority in the House, the Conservative Party achieved the government, in 1868, and dropped the slavery discussion apart from the parliamentary agenda. The Liberals protested in the public space against the coup d’état, and one of its factions joined political outsiders, which gave birth to a Republic Party in 1870. In 1871, the Conservative Party also split, when its moderate faction passed a Free Womb bill. In the 1880s, the Liberal and Conservative Parties attacked each other and fought their inner battles, mostly around the abolition of slavery. Meanwhile, the Republican Party grew, gathering the new generation of modernizing social groups without voices in the political institutions. This politically marginalized young men joined the public debate in the 1870s organizing a reformist movement. They fought the core of Empire tradition (a set of legitimizing ideas and political institutions) by appropriating two main foreign intellectual schemes. One was the French “scientific politics,” which helped them to built a diagnosis of Brazil as a “backward country in the March of Civilization,” a sentence repeated in many books and articles. The other was the Portuguese thesis of colonial decadence that helped the reformist movement to announce a coming crisis of the Brazilian colonial legacy—slavery, monarchy, latifundia. Reformism contested the status quo institutions, values, and practices, while conceiving a civilized future for the nation as based on secularization, free labor, and inclusive political institutions. However, it avoided theories of revolution. It was a modernizing, albeit not a democrat, movement. Reformism was an umbrella movement, under which two other movements, the Abolitionist and the Republican ones, lived mostly together. The unity split just after the shared issue of the abolition of slavery became law in 1888, following two decades of public mobilization. Then, most of the reformists joined the Republican Party. In 1888 and 1889, street mobilization was intense and the political system failed to respond. Monarchy neither solved the political representation claims, nor attended to the claims for modernization. Unsatisfied with abolition format, most of the abolitionists (the law excluded rights for former slaves) and pro-slavery politicians (there was no compensation) joined the Republican Party. Even politicians loyal to the monarchy divided around the dynastic succession. Hence, the civil–military coup that put an end to the Empire on November 15, 1889, did not come as a surprise. The Republican Party and most of the reformist movement members joined the army, and many of the Empire politician leaders endorsed the Republic without resistance. A new political–intellectual alignment then emerged. While the republicans preserved the frame “Empire = decadence/Republic = progress,” monarchists inverted it, presenting the Empire as an era of civilization and the Republic as the rule of barbarians. Monarchists lost the political battle; nevertheless, they won the symbolic war, their narrative dominated the historiography for decades, and it is still the most common view shared among Brazilians.


Author(s):  
Ruslana Klym

The article defines that political institutions are integral elements of the political system of society, important subjects of politics and carriers of the political process, that regulate the political organization of society, ensuring its stable and long-term functioning. It is stated that the main scientific approaches to understanding the phenomenon of political communication is positivism, behaviorism, structural functionalism, institutionalism and the attention is drawn to the fact that the mass media perform several functions in modern society – communicative, informational, relay, through the implementation of which, media affects all spheres of society and play an important role in the process of interaction between the government and the public. It was noted that the authorities of the Republic of Bulgaria took advantage of the historical moment when the European Union member states were interested in cooperation and were able to convince the Bulgarian society that membership in the EU is a way to solve economic problems, which will further contribute to the economic well-being of the country. The article mentions that an important role in the European integration process of interaction between the authorities and the public was played by Bulgarian journalists, who conducted an extremely intensive and important information campaign, which resulted in 76% of support for the Republic’s membership in this international organization by the Bulgarian society The experience of the Republic of Bulgaria shows that effective work of the mass media is extremely important for establishing communication interaction between government and civil society at a crucial moment for the country. However, the modern Bulgarian media environment is subject to intense criticism for the poor quality of the media product, the media’s dependence on oligarchs, and corruption.


Classics ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott De Brestian

Spain was one of Rome’s first overseas provinces beyond the Italian islands (Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica) and remained under Roman control for longer than most parts of the Western Empire, with northeastern Spain under at least nominal Roman control until 474 ce. From its earliest days Roman Spain (or Hispania) was divided into two or more provinces, eventually encompassing all of the modern countries of Spain and Portugal (although for convenience, the term “Roman Spain” generally includes both). This article therefore will focus on the mainland territory of those two countries, leaving aside Spain’s Mediterranean and African possessions (Balearic and Canary Islands, Ceuta, and Melilla), which will be treated elsewhere. Traditionally the study of Roman Spain is divided into three chronological periods: the Roman Republic, which extends from Rome’s first dealings in Spain at the start of the Second Punic War to the rise of Augustus as first emperor in 27 bce, although this period is sometimes extended to the end of the Cantabrian Wars in 19 bce, which mark the completion of the Roman conquest of the Iberian Peninsula. The Early Empire spans the period from the late 1st century bce to the 3rd century ce. No universally acknowledged date marks the end of this period, although the end of the Severan dynasty in 235 ce or the Frankish invasion of 258 ce is sometimes used; this article employs the former. The Late Empire stretches from the 3rd century to the invasions of 409 ce or the final conquest of Spain by the Visigoths in 474 ce, depending on the region being discussed. Roman Spain has often been somewhat neglected by scholars outside the peninsula, due to the political history of Spain and the lack of a large number of prominent international schools, as are found in Italy and Greece, although the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut in Madrid and the French-sponsored Casa de Velázquez are important exceptions. The result is that scholars working in other parts of the Roman world are not as acquainted with Roman Spain as its importance in Roman history would otherwise merit.


Author(s):  
I Wayan Gede Suacana ◽  
Eka Suaib

This research was conducted applying qualitative method for assessing governance in Bali Region. The stage of research began with the collection of primary and secondary data. The second stage was choosing a theory as means of analyzing the data. The third stage analyzed and interpreted the data that had been selected. The fourth stage was to do the writing and construction of research results. The results showed that values of local wisdom of Bali, which is reflected in its democratic models, showed how the government and people of Bali held a governance rule. Strengthening institutional capacity and the capacity of policy was strongly supported by the development of this democratic model. In this context, there is a symmetrical relationship between the accountability and transparency of government who is regarded as Guru Wisesa with the level of public trust in him. It is also supported by the implementation of the five values of local wisdom in giving service (seva) to the public, namely: Sathya (Truth), Dharma (virtue), Shanti (Peace), Prema (love) and Ahimsa (abstinence violence). However, the model of democracy with the values of local wisdom is not enough to produce a democratic political system without the support of the situation, conditions and political institutions. Freedom and equality (equality) as part of the democratic values are still hampered by paternalistic cultures that restrict the freedom of society.


Author(s):  
José Antonio Delgado Delgado

Resumen: Los dioses de Roma eran tenidos por los romanos como sus conciudadanos y sus intereses se identificaban plena y totalmente con los de la ciudad. A ellos les correspondía el papel de guías y consejeros de las acciones de los hombres, particularmente de los hombres de estado. Cuando la guerra alteraba el curso natural de la vida cívica y amenazaba la paz social, las divinidades tomaban las riendas de la situación previniendo a los romanos de las grandes y graves calamidades que se avecinaban y advirtiendo de los esfuerzos extraordinarios que habrían de hacer para acometerlas y minimizar sus efectos. En el curso de determinadas campañas militares contra pueblos extranjeros o en periodos de disputa por el liderazgo político, los dioses consideraron que la preservación de Roma pasaba por el sacrificio de sus cónsules. Su anuncio venía ‘impreso’ en el hígado de una víctima animal y su sentido fatídico afectaba al destino personal de los principales magistrados del estado. Este signum se reconocía en la ausencia de la cabeza del hígado (caput iecoris) del animal sacrificado. La investigación de los once casos conocidos bajo la República –entre ellos los del propio Julio César– y el estudio de la naturaleza del signum mortis son los objetivos principales de este trabajo.Abstract: The Gods of Rome were regarded by the Romans as their fellow citizens and their interests were fully and completely identified with those of the city. Their role was to serve as guides and counsellors on the actions of the men, particularly the statesmen. When war altered the natural course of civic life and threatened the social peace, the gods took over control of the situation, preventing the Romans from the major and serious calamities that were looming and warning of the extraordinary efforts that they would have to make in order to tackle them and minimize their effects. In the course of certain military campaigns against foreign peoples or during periods of struggle for political leadership, the gods considered that the key to preserving Rome was through sacrificing their consuls. Such announcement came ‘imprinted’ on the liver of an animal to be sacrificed and its fatal end affected the personal fate of the chief magistrates of the state. This signum was recognized in the absence of the ‘head’ of the liver (caput iecoris) of the animal sacrificed. Research on the eleven known cases in the Republic— including that of Julius Caesar himself—and the study of the nature of the signum mortis are the main objectives of this paper.Palabras clave: Historia de Roma, Roma republicana, magistrados romanos, cónsules de Roma, Religión romana, adivinación pública romana, extispicina, miedo.Key words: Roman History, Roman Republic, Roman magistrates, Roman consuls, Roman Religion, Roman public divination, Extispicy, fear.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 257-270
Author(s):  
Andrzej Gillmeister

The figure of the first Roman emperor in many ways had an impact on the Polish culture, especially in historiography and literature. In my paper I focus on some issues connected with the subject. I discuss the ideas presented by Tadeusz Zieliński, one of the most eminent researchers of the ancient world in Europe in the first part of 20th century. He devoted a significant part of his opus to present his own vision of Augustus seen as a reformer of the Roman state religion. Zieliński built the emperor’s image as the saviour of the Roman world in the face of „the end of times”. This term played significant role in Zieliński’s thinking about Roman history at the end of the Republic. For the Polish scholar celebration of the secular game in 17 BC was the final task done by Augustus. This task Zieliński defined as the sacred mission and connected with the figure of Sibyl and the impact of the Etruscan theory of saeculum. For Zieliński, Augustus belonged to the most important men of providence in Roman history. In the same way I discuss the ideas presented by Ludwik Piotrowicz and Mieczysław St. Popławski. Both scholars analised the question of imperial cult in depth. Popławski expressed original view on Augustus apotheosis seen as the development of imperial cult in transcendental perspective. Piotrowicz instead saw this problem as a purely political phenomenon. Last part of my paper is devoted to short resentation of the echos of Augustus’ bimillenium in Polish scholar activity.


Fundamina ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 364-373
Author(s):  
Carlos Amunátegui Perelló

Libertas is one of the main concepts of public life in the Roman world. It has a public content when referring to the freedom of the Republic, and a private implication when it is opposed to slavery. Florentinus’ definition of libertas is quite interesting, because it was given within the context of slavery, although it does not fit that scenario entirely. In fact, it seems more cogent with regard to the public concept of libertas. This contribution analyses this aspect in detail.


2021 ◽  
Vol 109 ◽  
pp. 01022
Author(s):  
Ochir Minkeev ◽  
Sergey Sharonov

The article uses the means of civil science to identify the problems of applying the normative legal acts of the Republic of Kalmykia regulating the relations of investment activity in the context of the digital economy development. Within the framework of this study, the author systematizes three groups of regulatory legal acts dealing with the relations of investment activity in the Republic of Kalmykia, each containing certain problems. The key problem of the first group, consisting of civil legislation and other acts containing civil law norms, is the lack of a unified approach to regulating investment activities. The second group, which is a set of separate Laws and other regulatory legal acts of the Republic of Kalmykia, dealing with the issues under the joint jurisdiction of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kalmykia, contains a problem expressed in the lack of proper legal regulation of investment activity in the republic. The problem of the third group, consisting of municipal acts providing legal regulation of relations arising from the management and disposal of municipal property objects that can act as objects of investment activity, is the lack of a legislative basis for the implementation of the public function.


1938 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. H. McDonald

The fortunes of Scipio Africanus after the Second Punic War raise a difficult problem for the student of Roman history. Through his political standing and his personal gifts Scipio's influence must be considered an essential element in the public life of Rome at the decisive period of her imperialistic development; yet the glimpses in recorded history, though significant, are so fleeting that it is almost impossible to gain a complete impression. We know, of course, his Carthaginian policy and his strategy against Antiochus; but in matters relating to Gaul, Liguria and Spain, and in the internal politics of Rome, there is scarcely any evidence of his hand. Most obscure of all is the Second Macedonian War; where the questions of policy were similar to those in the Syrian War, yet Scipio had no share in them that can be directly discerned. Did he withdraw after his victory over Carthage and only re-appear to meet Syria ? Then why should his defeat of Antiochus be followed by his own dishonour, in the face of the claims of gratitude ? His fall suggests a persistent and important political activity, which could only be countered by extreme measures of opposition.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (24) ◽  
pp. 171
Author(s):  
Бобана Чегар

Резиме: Организација трезорског система доста је сложена с обзиром на многобројне функције које се обављају у оквиру трезора. Извршење једне од тих функција подразумијева и евидентирање трансакција у вези са прикупљањем и трошењем буџетских средстава што свакако има посљедице и на финансијске извјештаје буџетских корисника. Предмет овог рада је управо сагледавање утицаја трезорског система на финансијске извјештаје. На основу података прикупљених техником анкетног упитника и на основу метода анализе, индукције и дедукције на примјеру Републике Српске дошло се до резултата који показују да је увођење трезорског система олакшало доношење одлука и повећало квалитет финансијског извјештавања у јавном сектору, али да би превазилажењем техничких недостатака који тренутно постоје ефекти били још већи. У прва два дијела рада пружа се теоријски преглед основа финансијског извјештавања у јавном сектору и трезорског система пословања, док је у трећем дијелу приказана методологија истраживања и резултати до којих се дошло истраживањем.Summary: The organization of the treasury system is quite complex due to the fact that many functions performed within the treasury system. The execution of the one of these functions involves recording transactions relating to the collection and spending budget funds, which certainly will affect the financial statements of budget users. The subject of the paper is a consideration of the treasury system impact on the financial statements. Based on the data collected using the questionnaire technique and based on the methods of analysis, induction and deduction on the example of the Republic of Srpska, we came to the result that indicates the treasury system facilitate decision-making and in the same time increase the quality of financial reporting in the public sector, but if overcome technical deficiencies that currently exist, effects will be even greater. The first two parts of the paper provides an overview of the theoretical basis of financial reporting in the public sector and the treasury system, while the third section presents the methodology and the results obtained during research.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document