II. British Policy in West Africa: The Ashanti Expedition of 1873–4

1962 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. D. McIntyre

The Ashanti expedition of 1873–4 provides a remarkable illustration of the use of military power in colonial policy. At a moment when the whole basis of Britain's West African policy was being questioned at home an Ashanti invasion of the states on the Gold Coast in 1873 brought about a calamitous decline in British prestige in the region. The tiny neglected British settlement on the Gold Coast, and the so-called ‘protectorate’, which even experts did not understand, suddenly received unwelcome publicity, which led finally to a reluctant exercise of military power. Sir Garnet Wolseley's march to Kumasi was one of the military dramas of the Victorian age.

1993 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 173-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin Law

This paper draws attention to an ambitious project in the publication of source material for the precolonial history of West Africa, which has recently been approved for inclusion in the Fontes Historiae Africanae series of the British Academy. In addition to self-promotion, however, I wish also to take the opportunity to air some of the problems of editorial strategy and choice which arise with regard to the editing and presentation of this material, in the hope of provoking some helpful feedback on these issues.The material to be published consists of correspondence of the Royal African Company of England relating to the West African coast in the late seventeenth century. The history of the Royal African Company (hereafter RAC) is in general terms well known, especially through the pioneering (and still not superseded) study by K.G. Davies (1957). The Company was chartered in 1672 with a legal monopoly of English trade with Africa. Its headquarters in West Africa was at Cape Coast (or, in the original form of the name, Cabo Corso) Castle on the Gold Coast, and it maintained forts or factories not only on the Gold Coast itself, but also at the Gambia, in Sierra Leone, and at Offra and Whydah on the Slave Coast. It lost its monopoly of the African trade in 1698, and thereafter went into decline, effectively ceasing to operate as a trading concern in the 1720s, although it continued to manage the English possessions on the coast of West Africa until it was replaced by a regulated company (i.e., one open to all traders), the Company of Merchants Trading to Africa, in 1750.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110549
Author(s):  
Oliver Coates

The National Negro Publishers Association (NNPA) Commission to West Africa in 1944–1945 represents a major episode in the history of World War II Africa, as well as in American–West Africa relations. Three African American reporters toured the Gold Coast, Sierra Leone, Nigeria, Liberia, and the Congo between November 1944 and February 1945, before returning to Washington, DC to report to President Roosevelt. They documented their tour in the pages of the Baltimore Afro-American, the Chicago Defender, and the Norfolk Journal and Guide. Their Americans’ visit had a significant impact in wartime West Africa and was widely documented in the African press. This article examines the NNPA tour geographically, before analyzing American reporters’ interactions with West Africans, and assessing African responses to the tour. Drawing on both African American and West African newspapers, it situates the NNPA tour within the history of World War II West Africa, and in terms of African print culture. It argues that the NNPA tour became the focus of West African hopes for future political, economic, and intellectual relations with African Americans, while revealing how the NNPA reporters engaged African audiences during their tour.


2021 ◽  
pp. 139-154
Author(s):  
John Parker

This chapter recounts the broader Akan world's or Asante's human sacrifice. It notes that the practice, as established by Law, was widespread in those parts of the West African coastal and forest zones largely untouched by Islam, both in powerful states such Benin, Dahomey and Asante and among non-centralized peoples such as the Igbo in present-day southeastern Nigeria. The chapter presents evidence suggesting that human sacrifice may well have increased in magnitude in the era of the Atlantic slave trade, as increasing levels of militarization and accumulation generated new forms of violence, predation and consumption. The earliest evidence for human sacrifice in the region, however, came from the Gold Coast itself, where, as elsewhere in West Africa, it was identified as an integral part of mortuary customs for the wealthy and powerful. The chapter then shows seventeenth-century accounts about the slaves who composed the majority of those immolated at royal funerals. It also explores how the self-sacrifice of certain individuals served on the early Akan states.


Author(s):  
Ebenezer Obadare

Postcolonial West African history can be understood in terms of transitions across three successive eras: a post-independence era of high nationalism; the military era, characterized by profound political and socio-economic instability; and, finally, since the early 1990s, a democratization era, marked by continued swings between fevered hopes and anguished realities. These temporalities arguably converge on a singular leitmotif, namely, the attempt by state power to preserve its privileges and the struggle by social forces to resist the state and draw effective boundaries between the private and public domains. Gloomy for most of the “lost decade” of the 1980s, the prospect for such a project appears brighter today, especially in the aftermath of pivotal shifts in the global and regional political landscapes.


1971 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-559 ◽  
Author(s):  
'Ladipo Adamolekun

While independence in West Africa focused academic attention on political parties, the proliferation of military régimes in the late 1960s– by 1970, seven West African countries had experienced military rule — brought two other institutions into prominence: the military and civil bureaucracies. This article seeks to throw some light on the place of the civil bureaucracy in Senegal through a study of the role of bureaucrats in the country's political process.


2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adewale Banjo

AbstractThe politics of succession in post-independence West Africa has left much to be desired and, by extension, has affected the quality of democracy and human security in the sub-region. This article briefly assesses succession politics in Togo, a small West African nation of approximately 5 million people, following the death of President Gnassingbe Eyadema, one of Africa's longest serving dictators. The author describes the military takeover and subsequent election that legitimized the illegal take over of power by Eyadema's son despite sustained domestic opposition from politicians and civil society, as well as sub-regional, regional and international condemnation of a Constitutional "coup d'etat" in Togo. The article concludes that the succession crisis in Togo is far from over, given the continuing manipulation of what the author calls the geo-ethnic divide in that country.


Author(s):  
Saliou Dione ◽  
Bakaye Togola

This article historicizes ethno-religious and political conflicts in West Africa with Mali as a case in point. It looks at how foreign and donors’ conditioned aid can pose a threat to the peaceful existence and survival of West African States. In fact, Mali has since its independence been beset by an extraordinary heavy burden of conflicts. It is either suffering from rebellions or political instability. Added to this, are the current religious problems which are undermining its territorial unity as a result of rising questions and distrust between northern and southern communities. This paper analyzes the reasons for the central authorities’ opposition to the northern population, namely the Tuareg and Arabs, on the one hand, and the State to the military, on the other hand. It also brings to light the politically, religiously, and militarily roles of external stakeholder such as the neighboring and Gulf countries, France and the international community as it examines the causes and impacts of the political social and religious fragmentations using a historical perspective and provide for endogenous and exogenous solutions. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (1 (179)) ◽  
pp. 83-100
Author(s):  
Jacek Knopek

Polish communities and Polish diaspora in West Africa The article points to the stay and activity of Poles in West Africa since the first links were forged until the present day. Initially they were present there as sailors serving under foreign flags. Later they were joined by the military and sailors who found themselves abroad. In the 19th c. and the interwar period, Polish civilian emigrants arrived there, although only as individuals. Another group were military emigrants who were present in the German colonial army and served in the French Foreign Legion. A larger group consisted of soldiers and officers of the Polish Army who were evacuated to Great Britain after 1939. Together with British soldiers, they transported planes from West Africa to Egypt, and then the planes fought against German troops. After completing their tasks, they returned to the European continent. The establishment of Polish communities and Polish diaspora in West Africa occurred after World War II. It was then that a small number of war emigrants concentrated there, along with Polish specialists, scientific and technical staff as well as missionaries, Polish-African families and representatives of Polish diaspora from other parts of the world. Until 1989, West African countries employed about 5 thousand specialists, and some of them were accompanied by families. The importance of scientific and technical staff declined after the fall of the communist regime. Since then, only a few specialists have gone to this region of the world. Contemporary Polish communities and Polish diaspora in West African countries are small, together constituting a community of about 700 people. Almost half of them have found a place to live or work in Nigeria, which has the largest economy and population. Other countries have much smaller communities. Streszczenie W artykule wskazuje się na pobyt i działalność Polaków w Afryce Zachodniej począwszy od pierwszych kontaktów aż do współczesności. Początkowo byli tam obecni jako żeglarze pływający pod banderami państw obcych. Później dołączyli do nich wojskowi i marynarze, którzy znaleźli się poza granicami kraju. W XIX w. i okresie międzywojennym dotarli tam polscy emigranci cywilni, były to jednak pojedyncze osoby. Inną grupę stanowili emigranci wojskowi, którzy obecni byli w niemieckich wojskach kolonialnych oraz służbę swą odbywali we francuskiej Legii Cudzoziemskiej. Większą liczebnie grupę stanowili żołnierze i oficerowie Wojska Polskiego, którzy po 1939 r. zostali ewakuowani do Wielkiej Brytanii. Z żołnierzami brytyjskimi transportowali samoloty z Afryki Zachodniej do Egiptu, które następnie walczyły z wojskami niemieckimi. Po wykonaniu swoich zadań wracali oni na kontynent europejski. Do powstania społeczności polskich i polonijnych w Afryce Zachodniej doszło po II wojnie światowej. To wówczas skupiła się tam nieliczna emigracja wojenna, zaczęli tam docierać polscy specjaliści i kadry naukowo-techniczne znad Wisły, przybywali misjonarze i misjonarki, polsko-afrykańskie rodziny oraz przedstawiciele Polonii z innych części świata. Do 1989 r. w krajach zachodnioafrykańskich zatrudnionych było ok. 5 tys. specjalistów, a niektórym z nich towarzyszyły rodziny. Znaczenie kadr naukowo-technicznych zmalało po transformacji systemowej. Odtąd nieliczni specjaliści udawali się do tego regionu świata. Współczesne skupiska polskie i polonijne w państwach Afryki Zachodniej należą do niewielkich, albowiem łącznie stanowią zbiorowość ok. 700-osobową. Niemal połowa z nich znalazła miejsce zamieszkania bądź zatrudnienia w Nigerii, który to kraj posiada największą gospodarkę oraz dysponuje najliczniejszą populacją. W innych krajach przebywają społeczności dużo mniejsze.


Author(s):  
Kenneth G. Kelly

The Atlantic slave trade has been the focus of archaeological work in a number of West African countries. Much of the work has emphasized the impressive trade castles of the Ghana coast, where extensive European constructions demonstrate the importance of the slave trade in the regions’ history. Work has also been conducted on other settings, including in Bénin, where African agency manifested itself differently than on the Gold Coast of modern Ghana; Sierra Leone and Gambia, where European trading establishments were typically smaller; and Guinea, where the ‘illegal’ slave trade of the nineteenth century blossomed. Many of these sites of enslavement have become important parts of local heritage, as well as a global heritage of African-descended people and the heritage tourism associated with the African Diaspora.


Author(s):  
Naila Salihu

Civil–military relations is traditionally concerned with the nature and interaction among three societal actors namely military institutions, political elites, and the citizenry. The nature of this complex relationship and whether it is harmonious to prevent military intervention in politics depends on how these societal actors cooperate on certain societal variables. Civil–military relations of West African countries are influenced by those countries’ colonial and postindependence experiences. The military establishments of most African states were birthed from colonial armies. Historically rooted pathologies about the role of the security and defense forces in society created deep cleavages between state and the military, and their relations to political authority on the one hand, and society on the other. The use of African armies for political and imperialist purposes during the colonial era and their roles in the struggle for independence were important factors in shaping the behavior of African armies after independence. Most colonial states did not attain independence with indigenous, nationalist-oriented military institutions. The transition of colonial regiments into the national armies of newly independent states were met with challenges in terms of establishing legitimacy and effectiveness, as these institutions had been set up under conditions that were not ideally suited to the needs of new states. Most postindependence African leaders missed the opportunity to build democratic and national militaries; instead, they maintained the status quo, as these leaders appeared more interested in building large armies for the purposes of regime stability. Successive political leaders resorted to deleterious devices such as patron–client systems, ethnic manipulation, and politicization of the military. These practices undermined the professionalism of the security apparatus and provided breeding grounds for pretorian tendencies. As the military became conscious of their political power, coups d’état became a common feature in the political dispensation of West African states. Frequent military interventions in West Africa often came with destabilizing consequences such as devastating military rules, intra-military conflicts, insurgencies, and even civil wars. Even in those countries where civil wars did not occur, the military were influential in the political landscape, in which autocratic regimes ruled with an iron hand and often used the military to inflict severe hardship on the citizens. With the return to constitutional democracies from the late 1980s, it was widely expected the role or influence of the military in the political space would be diminished as those states became more professional and democratic. However, coups d’état have reduced in the region, rather than going away completely, and the military as a state institution with a monopoly over legitimate force remains a very strong political actor, even under civilian governments. Former metropoles have been providing defense and security assistance programs to West African states for diverse reasons, including maintaining strategic hold on former colonies. Some of these interventions that aim at professionalization of the military have produced mixed outcomes in the region. In Anglophone West Africa, the British colonial policy of indirect rule contributed to the class division between the upper class (civilian politicians) and the lower class (the military and common people). This, coupled with the use of the military as agents of repression to safeguard colonial interests, created a popular dislike and negative image of colonial armies. State militaries went on to become destabilizing forces in political processes across the region. After independence, United Kingdom maintained a fluctuating presence in its former colonies due to its imperial past and strategic interests. In French West Africa, Africans were recruited from French colonies into the French army serve France’s military interests. African soldiers played diverse roles in their countries’ struggles for independence, which led to the military’s having a central role in the politics of postindependence Francophone states. France’s Africa policy differs from that of other former colonial powers in terms of its postindependence engagements with former colonies. In other parts of West Africa, Portuguese colonialism contributed to the creation of a central role for national liberation forces, which metamorphosed into postindependence military and political actors, with destabilizing consequences.


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