The ‘army mutiny’ of 1924 and the assertion of civilian authority in independent Ireland

1983 ◽  
Vol 23 (92) ◽  
pp. 354-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maryann Gialanella Valiulis

The early years of Irish independence were years of precedent-setting decisions that shaped and moulded the new state. In a country just emerging from a struggle for independence and a devastating civil war, the army was one of the most vital and central institutions; and the relationship between the military and the elected civilian government was crucial. In fact, at the end of the civil war, a strong possibility existed that, unless the government acted quickly to establish its control, the army could remain the dominant force in Irish politics for years to come. The response to the Irish army mutiny of 1924, however, upheld and affirmed the supremacy of constitutional rule in Ireland.

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (10) ◽  
pp. 424
Author(s):  
Luis Gargallo Vaamonde

During the Restoration and the Second Republic, up until the outbreak of the Civil War, the prison system that was developed in Spain had a markedly liberal character. This system had begun to acquire robustness and institutional credibility from the first dec- ade of the 20th Century onwards, reaching a peak in the early years of the government of the Second Republic. This process resulted in the establishment of a penitentiary sys- tem based on the widespread and predominant values of liberalism. That liberal belief system espoused the defence of social harmony, property and the individual, and penal practices were constructed on the basis of those principles. Subsequently, the Civil War and the accompanying militarist culture altered the prison system, transforming it into an instrument at the service of the conflict, thereby wiping out the liberal agenda that had been nurtured since the mid-19th Century.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Shubin

The Committee of Members of the Constituent Assembly (Komuch) was an option in the Civil War that was essentially distinct from both the Soviet and the White alternatives. Komuch differed from the Soviet and the White authorities, as it was characterised by a combination of advanced socioeconomic policy and a dogmatically principled commitment to parliamentary democracy. In the event of the military victory of such a power, the success of the social democratic model was not guaranteed (as the history of Europe during the interwar period demonstrated), but Russia’s chances of moving along a path that combined a social state and democratic institutions would have increased markedly. While criticising, and in many respects rightly so, the military policy of the Bolsheviks, the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks had to partially restore market capitalist relations. Their successful development was possible with the cooperation of the government and the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie demanded the dismantlement of “socialist conquests”, which Komuch was not going to do – both for ideological reasons and because the capitalist economy had begun to disintegrate during World War I and the Revolution. Komuch’s path involved the combination of a market economy (not necessarily just capitalist), state regulation, and broad social rights. After the Bolshevik promises, the workers and peasants took it quite calmly, fearing the possible cancellation of the social gains of the Revolution and expressing dissatisfaction with violations of promised civil rights. But the bourgeoisie, convinced of the “inconsistency” of dismantling institutions that infringed on the right of private property, stood in sharp opposition to Komuch, betting on its opponents in the anti-Soviet camp. At the same time, Komuch did not have time to build a state system for monitoring compliance with social rights and had to rely on the activity of trade unions, which, due to their social function, were critical of the government – in this case, Komuch. Komuch followed the law regulating the socialisation of land adopted by the Constituent Assembly and proposed a relatively successful version of regulating the food supply for the cities. Initially, the people’s army created by Komuch was also successful (enjoying support from the Czechoslovak Corps). However, Komuch faced a blockade by the Provisional Siberian Government. It was the opposition of more right-wing forces in the rear that predetermined the defeat of the Komuch alternative.


Author(s):  
R.J. May

Before Papua New Guinea’s independence in 1975, its military consisted of a Pacific Island Regiment under the Australian Army’s Northern Command. In preparation for independence, there was considerable debate over whether the independent country should have a military force. Provision was made for the Papua New Guinea Defence Force (PNGDF) in the constitution, with a strong emphasis on the supremacy of the civilian authority. In the first decade of independence, the PNGDF was called out to assist police in internal security operations, but the priority of its role in internal security was not officially recognized until 1991. The deployment of the PNGDF to Bougainville to assist police in operations against what became the separatist Bougainville Revolutionary Army involved a heavy commitment of troops to a long-running conflict and was marked by a number of confrontations between the military and political leaders. This culminated in the Sandline affair, in which the PNGDF commander stepped in to terminate a contract between the government and the military consultants Sandline International and called on the prime minister to resign (but did not attempt to take over the government). After the Sandline affair and with the Bougainville Peace Agreement, relations between government and military improved, but several incidents involving PNGDF personnel led Prime Minister Morauta to speak of a “culture of instability” within the PNGDF and to invite a review by a Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group. Confrontations between the military and government, however, have consistently stopped short of attempted coup. The most plausible explanation for this may lie in the localized, competitive, and fractious nature of political power in Papua New Guinea, the absence of a dominant ethnic group, and the difficulties that even a legitimate, elected government has in maintaining law and order and service delivery across the country.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-71
Author(s):  
Hedva Eyal ◽  
Limor Samimian-Darash

In this article, we examine statements by state officials and individuals from the military and the medical establishment regarding the provision of medical aid by Israel to casualties from the Syrian Civil War. We argue discussions of this project have been characterized by three different discourses, each dominant at different times, which we classify as military, medical, and political-security. We propose “unintended securitization” to describe how the project moved from the military into the medical-civilian and then into the political sphere, and came to be seen as advancing the security interests of the Israeli state. We argue the relationship between humanitarianism and securitization seen here challenges the view that humanitarian apparatuses are often subordinated to military rationales by showing how securitization here emerged from the demilitarization of what was initially a military project.


Author(s):  
L. Semenenko ◽  
O. Semenenko ◽  
A. Efimenko ◽  
Y. Dobrovolsky ◽  
S. Stolinets

The article reveals the authors' views on the definition of the functions, structure of the military-economic science, its potential and development prospects in modern conditions of the relationship between war and economy.Military science and the military economy are linked by a common object of research, which is - war. The military economy makes recommendations on the most expedient economic policy within the military development of the country's armed forces, in order to address the issues of comprehensive provision of military (defense) needs of the state.The development of their own Armed Forces requires the creation of certain optimal conditions for their livelihoods. Creating and substantiating these conditions is one of the main tasks of military-economic science. Today, the main objective that it faces in the development of the Armed Forces should be to help the Government and the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine, based on military groups located on the territory of Ukraine, to create their own Armed Forces that must meet the necessary (definite) level of military hazards, and also be economically feasible for Ukraine.Military-economic science studies economic processes and relationships that arise in connection with the preparation, conduct of the war by its localization and evasiveness. Military-economic science has its own laws, for example, the economic development of the country depend: the course and consequences of the war; defense capability of the state; moral spirit of personnel; development of armament and military equipment; the combat capability of the Armed Forces, etc.The main results of the article are the definition of: the main directions of the development of military-economic science; the basic principles of satisfaction of material and military-economic needs of the state; ways to meet military and economic needs, as well as the main issues of satisfaction of military and economic needs.In modern conditions, the relationship between war, politics and the economy has become more durable. The economy began to directly participate in the preparation and conduct of the war. Therefore, the national economy must be well prepared for the war and for the economic provision of its own Armed Forces.


2019 ◽  
pp. 27-40
Author(s):  
Rachel Hammersley

After setting out the limited range of sources available that provide information on Harrington’s life, Chapter 1 explores his family connections and early years. Detail is provided on his immediate family background and the close interaction between him and his siblings as reflected in testamentary evidence. Attention is also paid to the origins of the relationship between the Harrington family and the Stuarts, especially Charles I’s sister Princess Elizabeth, later Queen of Bohemia. The chapter traces Harrington’s early life from his birth in Northamptonshire in 1611 through to the outbreak of the Civil War in 1642. It examines, in particular, his education at Trinity College Oxford and the Middle Temple, and his European tour.


2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 5-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesse Ferris

Drawing on documents and memoirs in Russian and Arabic, this article tells the unknown story of Soviet-Egyptian cooperation in the early phases of the Yemeni Civil War, a war that broke out while much of the world's attention was focused on the Cuban missile crisis and the war between India and Pakistan. Egypt's fateful decision to intervene in the conflict was dependent on substantial Soviet backing, which strengthened the relationship between the USSR and Gamal Abdel Nasser's government in Egypt. In response to a plea from Nasser, Nikita Khrushchev authorized the military transport branch of the Soviet Air Force to embark on a clandestine airlift operation ferrying Egyptian troops into Yemen to shore up the new government there.


2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-67
Author(s):  
FRANCISCO MORENTE

German intervention in the Spanish Civil War was decisive for its development and result. Traditionally scholars have focused their attention on the support given by the Third Reich to the military rebels; however, they have widely neglected the study of the relationship between Germany and the Spanish Republic during the first four months of the war, when both countries maintained diplomatic relations. This paper aims at exploring a crucial aspect of that historical period, namely the circumstances of the Spanish diplomats in Berlin during those first four months, and the strategies that the German and the Spanish governments carried out in the harsh diplomatic battle that they ended up fighting. The author explains the difficult working conditions of the Spanish diplomats who were loyal to the Republic and stayed in Berlin in July 1936, when most of their colleagues deserted. Finally, he explores how the German Foreign Affairs Department, in collaboration with the Gestapo, managed to restrain the Spanish Republic diplomatic action in Germany.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 544-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico Battera

This article argues that differences in Arab authoritarian regimes were mainly linked to the relationship between the state, the political party in power and the military. By exploring such differences in Tunisia, Egypt and Syria prior to the 2011 crisis, they are explained in the context of the political changes that ensued in the wake of the crisis. How the army played the dual role of instigating change while impeding it at crucial points in the transitional process is described. The mutual lack of autonomy between the state, the party and the military appears to have been a key factor in impeding change, whereas a clear separation of the functions of these institutions was more likely to enable political change to come about.


2012 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-99
Author(s):  
Henna Ahsan

A bureaucracy is a group of individuals who are non-elected and serve as government employees to help implement rules and laws of a country. The term bureaucracy was created by combining the words ‘bureau’ which means desk or office and ‘kratos’, meaning rule or political power to govern. Different countries have adopted various ways to induct people to run the government and make new laws. Max Weber, a renowned and notable German administrative scholar is credited to be the pioneer of the use of bureaucracy in public administration. In this book on the Civil Service of Pakistan, the author has described the way bureaucratic culture gained strength and restricted the grooming of political culture in the country. He shows how ‘seniority’ overwhelmed ‘merit’ in the promotion process of the officers in the Civil Service of Pakistan (CSP), an offspring of the Indian Civil Service (ICS). The CSP officers always considered themselves as an élite class and looked down upon the politicians. The author narrates the superior attitude of Iskander Mirza (a notable member of the ICS, then CSP) in these words: “Mirza was proud of his IPS and CSP lineage and never missed an opportunity of proclaiming this fact. His admiration for the colonial system of administration was matched by a corresponding contempt for politicians.” The relationship between the bureaucracy and the military was to ensure that politicians did not make a mess of things. The bureaucracy was able to call on the military in times of crisis and never worried about its overstaying the visit. The basic theme of the Indian Civil Service was that the local Indians were recruited as officers by the British to suppress and control an enslaved people. Unfortunately, even after gaining independence the mindset of the bureaucratic staff didn’t change and they conveniently forgot that an independent nation required a different approach.


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