Iron Age History and Archaeology in Zambia

1974 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. W. Phillipson

Developments since 1968 in the study of the Zambian Early Iron Age are discussed, with emphasis both on the Lubusi site near Kaoma, which provides the first dated occurrence of Early Iron Age artefacts from western Zambia, and on material from the Eastern Province, which is closely related to contemporary finds from Malawi. Knowledge of the post-Early Iron Age archaeology of Zambia has hitherto been largely restricted to the Southern Province; here, for the first time, an archaeological evaluation of the later Iron Age of other regions has been attempted, and three major pottery traditions are described. In the northern and eastern areas the Luangwa tradition appears to have been established by the eleventh or twelfth century A.D., making a sharp typological break with the preceding Early Iron Age traditions. In the west, the Lungwebungu tradition shows a greater degree of continuity from the Early Iron Age, but in much of the Zambezi valley and adjacent areas it has been supplanted by the sharply-contrasting Linyanti tradition for which a Kololo origin is postulated. The inception of the Luangwa tradition is attributed to the arrival of a new population element ancestral to most of the peoples who inhabit northern and eastern Zambia today, but there is in the archaeological record of this region little discernible trace of later migrations associated with the state-formation process recalled in the extant oral traditions. The implications of these observations for the interpretation of both archaeological data and of oral traditions are discussed and tentative conclusions are proposed concerning the inter-relationship of these two methodologies.

2006 ◽  
Vol 101 ◽  
pp. 183-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vassilis P. Petrakis

The present study explores the possible interpretation of the terracotta cylindrical models found in Late Minoan to Early Iron Age contexts (generally known as “(circular) hut models”) as reduced-scale models of tholos tombs. Theoretical issues concerning the relationship of an ‘architectural model’ with the archaeological context in which it is found are examined in order to support the above-mentioned suggestion. Archaeological data concerning the morphology, chronology, distribution, use and significance of the Late Minoan and Early Iron Age tholos tombs are explored in order to contribute to the discussion. The possible connection between the presence of the LM III tomb models in domestic contexts and the absence of contemporary intramural burials allows us to expand on the possible significance of these artefacts for our knowledge of LM mortuary practices and beliefs, especially those concerning the possible practice of ‘ancestor worship’. The presence of terracotta figurines of the ‘Minoan Goddess with Upraised Arms’ type attached in the interior of two examples (from SM Knossos and PG B Archanes) is considered as a late development within the tradition of these models and linked with the practice of placing MGUA figures in Early Iron Age tholos tombs (Rhotasi, Kourtes).


1961 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 20-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. B. Ward-Perkins

The roads and gates described in the previous section are of very varied dates, and many of them were in use over a long period. They have been described first because they constitute the essential framework for any serious topographical study of Veii. Within this framework the city developed, and in this and the following sections will be found described, period by period, the evidence for that development, from the first establishment of Veii in Villanovan times down to its final abandonment in late antiquity.Whatever the precise relationship of the Villanovan to the succeeding phases of the Early Iron Age in central Italy in terms of politics, race or language, it is abundantly clear that it was within the Villanovan period that the main lines of the social and topographical framework of historical Etruria first took shape. Veii is no exception. Apart from sporadic material that may have been dropped by Neolithic or Bronze Age hunters, there is nothing from the Ager Veientanus to suggest that it was the scene of any substantial settlement before the occupation of Veii itself by groups of Early Iron Age farmers, a part of whose material equipment relates them unequivocally to the Villanovan peoples of coastal and central Etruria.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-87
Author(s):  
Pavel A. Gusenkov ◽  

The article examines the substrate hydronymy of the middle Oka and the Dnieper regions (ending in -va, -da, etc.) that is typically attributed to the West-Baltic toponymic stratum and associated with the language of the Moschinskaya archaeological culture and the related archaeological sites. The author analyzed its spatial distribution in the East European Plain. The study has found that: 1) the spread of names of waterbodies ending in -va correlates with the distribution scheme of substrate Baltic hydronymy in general and the monuments of the Dnieper-Dvina, Yukhnovskaya, and Late Dyakovo cultures of the Early Iron Age; 2) the spread of hydronyms with zh/z sound variation (including as a distinctive feature) correlates with the Krivich and Radimich culture areas, and the range of Russian dialects with lisping pronunciation which makes no difference between sibilants and hushing sounds; 3) Baltic hydronymy ending in -da is not attested in the area of the Moschinskaya culture and related archaeological sites; 4) among the names with the root ape-/upe- found in the same cultural milieu, only those containing Eastern Baltic variant are verifiable; 5) the hypothesis for East Baltic origination of the names with the root stab- is not inferior to the West Baltic; 6) there are no sufficient grounds for tracing some river names to the Prussian words pannean and sug since most of these hydronyms refer to a later period while the others have more plausible explanations; 7) for some hydronyms (Zerna, Opochinka, Ponya, Sezhikovka, etc.) the substrate origin is not confirmed. Based on the above observations, the hypothesis for the presence of a West-Baltic layer of hydronymy in the middle Oka region and the consequent assumption of the West-Baltic origin of the Moshinskaya culture were disputed.


Author(s):  
YU. V. BOLTRIK ◽  
E. E. FIALKO

This chapter focuses on Trakhtemirov, one of the most important ancient settlements of the Early Iron Age in the Ukraine. During the ancient period, the trade routes and caravans met at Trakhtemirov which was situated over the three crossing points of the Dneiper. Its location on the steep heights assured residents of Trakhtemirov security of settlement. On three sides it was protected by the course of the Dnieper while on the other side it was defended by the plateau of the pre-Dneiper elevation. The ancient Trakhtemirov city is located around 100 km below Kiev, on a peninsula which is jutted into the river from the west. Trakhtemirov in the Early Iron Age was important as it was the site of the Cossack capital of Ukraine. It was also the site of the most prestigious artefacts of the Scythian period and a site for various items of jewellery, tools and weaponry. The abundance of artefacts in Trakhtemirov suggests that the city is a central place among the scattered sites of the middle course of the Dneiper.


1938 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. B. Ward Perkins

The Iron Age Site at Crayford, Kent, was discovered in 1936 during the development of the Glebe Building Estate. This Estate lies to the west of St. Paulinus' Church, between Watling Street Old Road and Manor Road, and Nos. 103, 105, 107 and 109 Watling Street Old Road now mark the site. The circumstances of the discovery did not permit of scientific excavation, but the finds were reported to Mr S. Priest, F.G.S., curator of the Dartford Public Museum, and thanks to him and to the facilities most generously afforded by Mr Roys ton Phillips, the owner of the Glebe Estate, a large quantity of pottery and other objects was preserved and is now in the possession of the Dartford Public Museum. To Mr Priest the writer is particularly indebted for the opportunity to examine and report upon the discoveries, and for help in the preparation of that report. It was Mr G. C. Dunning, F.s.A., who first drew attention to the largely unpublished comparative material, and a number of his drawings are here used. The writer is also indebted to Dr R. E. M. Wheeler, V.P.S.A., for much help and criticism.


1970 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 172-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. W. Phillipson

Considerable attention has recently been paid to the start of the Iron Age in East and Central Africa. One of the most interesting problems concerning this period is that of the relationship of the Early Iron Age farming people to the hunter-gatherers of the Late Stone Age whom they eventually displaced. Very few archaeological sites are known, and none have yet been published, which illustrate the Late Stone Age/Iron Age transition in Central Africa, and discussions of this and related problems have so far been largely based on conjecture. Evidence concerning this important transition was recently unearthed at Nakapapula rockshelter in the Serenje District of central Zambia. Here a long and relatively homogeneous Late Stone Age sequence of Nachikufan type was seen to continue into the 2nd millennium A.D., that is, well after the first appearance of Early Iron Age pottery at this site and elsewhere in Zambia. Nakapapula has also yielded the first archaeological evidence for the date of schematic rock art in Central Africa and confirmed its contemporaneity with the Early Iron Age.


2000 ◽  
Vol 95 ◽  
pp. 259-299 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. N. Coldstream

Among over 1800 boxes of Sir Arthur Evans's finds now stored in the Stratigraphical Museum at Knossos, at least 150 contain Greek pottery from Subminoan to Classical. A systematic study of this material, in relation to its recorded find spots, throws new light on the eastern part of the early Greek town, bordering the site of the Minoan Palace. Above the Palace itself, fresh evidence is produced, and fresh interpretation offered, for the Greek sanctuary described by Evans. In its immediate surroundings, there are signs of busy domestic and industrial life in the early Greek town above the South-West Houses, the West Court, the Theatral Area, and the Pillared Hall outside the North Entrance to the Palace. Greek occupation is also noted above the House of Frescoes, the Little Palace and the Royal Villa. A wider aim of this article is to trace the limits of the early Greek town of Knossos, both of its original Early Iron Age nucleus surviving from Late Minoan times, and of its spacious extension towards the north in the late eighth and seventh centuries BC.


1975 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 127-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter R. Schmidt

Since the publication in English in 1965 of Jan Vansina's Oral Tradition, historians of Africa have been increasingly concerned with developing methods which confirm the historical value of oral traditions. Independent proof for the historicity of oral traditions is often lacking; consequently the historian is usually left with comparative analysis as his primary analytical method. Archeologists such as Merrick Posnansky, Frank Willett, and John Sutton have in part attempted to show linkages between oral traditions and archeological evidence.Posnansky, especially, has contributed much to the idea that it is possible to combine the two sources to obtain a more comprehensive view of Hfeways usually referred to as ‘prehistoric’ Recent research, though, now suggests that the concept ‘prehistoric’ must be questioned, particularly in cases where there is a demonstrated tie between archeological evidence and oral traditions. When archeology affirms the accuracy of oral traditions which explain, comment on, interpret, or locate activities and sites which predate a literate tradition, then the germaneness of the concept must be critically questioned. It is my position here that when archeological evidence confirms the historical value of oral traditions about preliterate life, then those cultural phenomena in that time period should be considered historic rather than prehistoric. To retain ‘prehistory’ as a concept in this context ignores and even militates against the historiographies and historical concepts of other cultures. The ramifications of this relativist perspective are considerable both for the study of history and of prehistory. Given this logic, historians must begin to reassess and expand their concepts of what history is and prehistorians must prepare to forfeit part of the temporal domain previously considered as prehistory.


Author(s):  
Francisco João Bentes Gomes

The arrival of the first Phoenician merchants and colonists in the Iberian Far West tipped off the delicate balance of the regional Late Bronze Age networks, setting in motion a far-ranging process which completely changed the socio-political landscape of Southern Portugal. However, the growing volume of available data seems to show that far from being a linear, straightforward process, the ensuing restructuration was complex and dynamic. In this contribution, it is argued that “traditional” models based on normative views of culture are no longer suited to explain the diversity of the archaeological record, and that new, more nuanced approaches are in order. It is suggested, in particular, that this diversity is the reflection of specific representation discourses in which “traditional” and innovative, often exogenous elements were combined according to variable, situational and socially negotiated identity discourses deployed on multiple levels, from the microregional context of inter- and inter-group interactions to the transregional, Mediterranean level.


2019 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-246
Author(s):  
Claudia Finkler ◽  
Kalliopi Baika ◽  
Diamanto Rigakou ◽  
Garyfalia Metallinou ◽  
Peter Fischer ◽  
...  

Ancient Corcyra (modern Kerkyra or Corfu) was an important harbour city and commercial centre since the Archaic period, also due to its geostrategic position on the trade routes between Greece and Italy or Sicily. Corcyra kept its status as one of the prevailing naval powers in the Mediterranean by means of a large naval fleet, needing appropriated harbour basins to be stored and repaired. At least two harbours are documented by historical records and associated archaeological remains, namely the Alkinoos and the Hyllaikos Harbours, both located on either side of a narrow isthmus to the north of the Analipsis Peninsula, where the ancient polis developed. Today, the ancient harbour basins are silted and overbuilt by modern urban infrastructure, concealing their overall extent and topography. The present study aims to reconstruct the complex palaeogeographies of the ancient Alkinoos harbour of Corcyra based on a multi-methodological palaeoenvironmental and geoarchaeological approach. The methods used include sedimentary, geochemical, microfaunal and geophysical investigations that were complemented by archaeological data and results from previous geoarchaeological research. Spatially, the study focusses on the area of the so-called Desylla site west of known Alkinoos Harbour sediments in the midst of the modern city of Corfu. These results were complemented by findings from two geomorphological key sites as well as archaeoseismological traces from the western part of the Analipsis Peninsula. At the Desylla site, we found sedimentary evidence of an Archaic pre-harbour, partly open to the Gulf of Corfu, which was the predecessor of a protected Classical harbour basin. This basin, in use between at least the 4th to 3rd cent. BC and the 1st cent. AD, was delimited to the west by a wall. It represents the central part of the Classical Alkinoos Harbour which was sedimentologically traced, for the first time, from the De- sylla site in the west to the Kokotou site in the east, where monumental shipsheds were unearthed during earlier archaeological excavations. Probably, the harbour zone extended even further to the east, where contemporaneous harbour deposits were found associated with the prominent quay wall at the Pierri and Arion sites. Our results show, that, apart from man-made interventions, Corcyra's palaeogeographical evolution is strongly linked to multiple impacts of extreme wave events in the form of tsunami inundation. At least four events (I–IV) are recorded in the natural geoarchives of the Analipsis Peninsula and its surroundings as well as the northern harbour zone of ancient Corcyra. In particular, these events happened between 5600 and 5200 cal BC (event I), after 3900 cal BC (event II), between the 4 th and 3 rd cent. BC (event III) and between the 3 rd and 6 th cent. AD, most likely at 365 AD (event IV). Ages of all events correlate well with ages of tsunami traces found on Sicily, the Greek mainland and other Ionian Islands. Tsunami events I and II led to massive environmental changes around the Analipsis Peninsula, while event III was associated to strong co-seismic uplift, leading to the abandonment of the harbour site at Pierri. Decreasing water depths by siltation of the Kokotou and Desylla sites, however, were redressed by dredging, giving rise to an extensive Roman re-use of the western part of the Alkinoos Harbour zone. Yet, both harbour sites were hit again by event IV filling the harbour basins by a thick sequence of event deposits.


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