Avgust, Avgustin, Avgustaly: To the History of Russian Monastic Names Unmentioned in Menologies

The paper investigates the history, origin, and use of monastic names unmentioned in menologies (books of saints, their lives and veneration days arranged by months): Avgust / Avgusta, Avgustin, Avgustaly, Ioaram, Kesar, Fortunat / Furtunat. The author comments on use of each of the six names in the Russian monastic environment of the 17th–19th centuries and explores the ways how the monastic namebook could be added with new items. Specifically, the author suggests that the names Avgust (Avgusta), Avgustin, Avgustaly, and Kesar, originally mentioned as titles in hagiographic texts, later become accepted as a part of the saint’s name which made it possible to use them for naming monks. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the functional use of the names Avgust (Avgusta), Avgustin, Avgustaly in the monastic sphere. It is described how these were included in the monastic namebook and a semantic equivalent (the reference to a particular saint) is established for each. Supposedly, they initially referred to Constantine the Great, St Catherine, and St Artemy of Antioch. The paper considers specific cases of these names’ usage in different sources: the missal of Patriarch Nikon of 1658, the supplementary letter of the Kiysk monastery, documents from other monasteries. With the analysis of literary sources, the author undertakes to study the relationship between the book tradition and the monastic namebook. The article assumes that the names Avgust / Avgusta are semantically related to the royal and imperial titles which explains why these monastic names became popular during the reign of Alexey Mikhailovich, as well as Peter the Great. It is also noted that such monastic names as Avgustaly, Kesar, Ioaram, have no direct parallels among the names of saints or biblical characters.

“My Arrow, Fly Up Double, Come Down Single”: To the Problem of Scandinavian–Alanic Parallels in the Mythological Onomasticon

The article compares the plots of the Ossetian Nart epic (the tale of Axsar and Axsartag, sons of Warxag, in which one of the brothers gets killed by a doubled or forked arrow due to a misunderstanding) and the Icelandic epic (the story of the accidental murder of Baldr by his blind brother Höd with a dart from a mistletoe shoot, in medieval illustrations to which the murder weapon is also depicted as forked sprout). The peculiarity of the plot (a strange, forked murder weapon), which was already incomprehensible to Ossetian storytellers and Icelandic medieval writers, is a typical example of “common oddity,” which can be a decisive argument when comparing folklore motifs for a common origin. In addition to the similarity of the plots, a commonality is found in the genealogy of the heroes of these legends, through which they fit into the mythological picture of the world of the corresponding traditions and in the mythological onomasticon: the parallelism of pairs Odin — Frigg / Freya (with her father Njord, the god of waters) and Warхag / Wastyrdg’i — Dzerassa (daughter of the god of waters Donbettyr), semantic similarities in the names of the heroes (‘Warrior,’ ‘Hero’) and the exact match in the names of their ancestors (Boræ — Buri, Bor). All these observations allow us to hypothesize for the presence of borrowed Gothic plots in the North German epic tradition, which also include the story of Hermanarich, Sunilda and her brothers, known from Jordanes’ Getica. It also leads us to explain why some sagas trace the location of the Ases and Odin ancestral home to the mouth of the Don. These German-Ossetian parallels do not go back to Indo-European antiquity but testify to the close Gothic–Alanic contacts in the northern Black Sea region in the 3rd–4th centuries.

Cultural Studies of Stone: Stones and Mountains in Folklore, Rites, and Toponymy. Review of the book: Ageeva, R. A. (2019). Kamen’ i gory v narodnoi kul’ture [Stone and Mountains in Popular Culture]. Moscow: Maska. 250 p.

This paper gives an overview of the book Stone and Mountains in Popular Culture by Ruth Ageeva, a monograph that includes a preface, an introduction, seven chapters, an appendix, and a list of oronyms (proper names for mountains and stones) found in the text. The book presents a functional study of the original word stone and its derivatives in oronymy (chapter 1), analyses proper names of individual stones (chapter 2), considers the symbolic connotations of stones’ colour reflected in their names (chapter 3), deals with the image of the Alatyr stone in folk culture (chapter 4), provides a description of megaliths located across the globe (chapter 5), studies figurative names of mountains and volcanoes (chapter 6) and compares the ways of mountains representation in the cultures of different peoples (chapter 7). The research builds on a large amount of data related to the representation of stones and mountains in various cultures, wherein the evidence of East Slavic languages prevails. Methodologically, the study embraces a wide range of contexts including culture studies, folklore studies, ethnolinguistics, etymology, and others. The review notes both the large amount and the theoretical richness of the material giving the reader a full picture of the subject. As the book declares itself to be intended for a wide readership, the introductory theoretical remarks seem very much appropriate. With all the positive aspects of the book under review, the vastness of material is fraught with some deficiencies in its structure. But still this does not undermine the study’s theoretical and practical relevance as it can be of interest both to the general reader and specialists in linguistics, ethnography, cultural studies, as well as a reference source on the proper names of stones and mountains.

Revisiting the “West-Baltic” Type Hydronymy in Central Russia

The article examines the substrate hydronymy of the middle Oka and the Dnieper regions (ending in -va, -da, etc.) that is typically attributed to the West-Baltic toponymic stratum and associated with the language of the Moschinskaya archaeological culture and the related archaeological sites. The author analyzed its spatial distribution in the East European Plain. The study has found that: 1) the spread of names of waterbodies ending in -va correlates with the distribution scheme of substrate Baltic hydronymy in general and the monuments of the Dnieper-Dvina, Yukhnovskaya, and Late Dyakovo cultures of the Early Iron Age; 2) the spread of hydronyms with zh/z sound variation (including as a distinctive feature) correlates with the Krivich and Radimich culture areas, and the range of Russian dialects with lisping pronunciation which makes no difference between sibilants and hushing sounds; 3) Baltic hydronymy ending in -da is not attested in the area of the Moschinskaya culture and related archaeological sites; 4) among the names with the root ape-/upe- found in the same cultural milieu, only those containing Eastern Baltic variant are verifiable; 5) the hypothesis for East Baltic origination of the names with the root stab- is not inferior to the West Baltic; 6) there are no sufficient grounds for tracing some river names to the Prussian words pannean and sug since most of these hydronyms refer to a later period while the others have more plausible explanations; 7) for some hydronyms (Zerna, Opochinka, Ponya, Sezhikovka, etc.) the substrate origin is not confirmed. Based on the above observations, the hypothesis for the presence of a West-Baltic layer of hydronymy in the middle Oka region and the consequent assumption of the West-Baltic origin of the Moshinskaya culture were disputed.

Types of Spelling Mistakes in Personal Documents of Russian Citizens and Migrants Applying for Russian Citizenship

The paper analyses mistakes and inconsistencies that tend to occur in the spelling of surnames, first names, and patronymics in personal documents of Russian citizens when they register for pensions and other welfare payments, as well as in the documents of migrants applying for Russian citizenship. The material for the study was retrieved from in-person enquiries received at the Department of Russian Language, General Linguistics and Speech Communication of the Ural Federal University during 2005–2021. The certificates issued by the author in response to those requests served to confirm the identity of the names of applicants and their relatives in birth certificates, passports, employment records, marriage certificates, etc. The material includes the documents drawn up on the territory of the USSR and former Soviet republics, and some in the far abroad. The paper identifies the types of mistakes and variations in the spelling of names, patronymics, and surnames in these documents and looks for the reasons to such variation. The study showed that along with spelling mistakes which are generally few (dropping / replacing a letter, adding an extra letter, word formation errors), there are much more frequent cases of variation of names, patronymics and surnames due to linguistic and sociolinguistic reasons: 1) the use of orthographic name variants, 2) the use of the literary and colloquial version of the name, 3) replacing a little-known name with a more popular one with similar pronunciation, 4) the existence of word-formation and phonetic variants including multilingual equivalents of the personal name, 5) new variants appearing in the course of rendering the name into Russian and transliteration of specific vowels and consonants of other languages, 6) changes in the graphics and spelling in the languages of the former Soviet republics and a tendency to correct the Russified forms of names, patronymics, and surnames initially recorded in Soviet times to match the updated norms.

Some Considerations on Russian Patronymics

These notes were inspired by a recent article by Boris Norman and Natalja Rajnochová on the role of patronymics in the Russian naming tradition and culture (Voprosy onomastiki, 2020, Vol. 17, Iss. 2). Without disputing its provisions in any way, the author attempts to take a closer look into the present tendency to omit patronymics or even abhor their use. Recognizing this as a growing trend in the Russian culture, the author reflects upon its causes, foremost of which is the general aversion for all the formal manifestations of the Soviet system. Since the use of patronymics (in the official formula) became mandatory exactly after 1917, it is commonly perceived as a Soviet relic. The second reason is the adoption of Western naming practices not requiring the use of a father’s name — due to Russia’s greater involvement in the international communication, extensive overseas travelling, and fluency in foreign languages, primarily English. The issue of the required use of patronymic in official documents is particularly acute when children from mixed families obtain Russian citizenship. Other factors for doing away with patronymics include Russian media language, as in most news programs and talk shows it is carefully avoided, and the increase in the number of single-parent families (no father) where the need to register a patronymic entails complex formal and ethical problems. Yet, however pertinent these problems are in the modern society, the author considers them relatively marginal and argues the relevance of patronymics for modern Russian culture and the naming practice. The author supports this view by giving evidence from Internet forums, as well as the author’s personal experience.

Collective Work and Recreation in the Mirror of Russian Folk Chrononymy

The article examines peasant traditions of collective labor and celebration through the prism of Russian folk chrononymy. To define the idea of collectivity in the Russian folk calendar, the author turns to the semantic and motivational analysis of names denoting time periods or calendar events. The choice of material is explained by the fact that chrononyms tend to retain the features of events most important for the peasant in their internal form. Generally, these references to folk traditions are represented indirectly. Collective labor practices can associate with the beginning or completion of agricultural work such as harvesting and sowing (Finogeevy zazhinki, Zasevki) or reference to labor conditions (Zarevnitsa). The tradition of joint celebration is revoked through collective preparation of a dish and a joint meal (Ilya-Baraniy Rog), holding fairs (Rybnyi bazar, Svistoplyaska), village fun and games involving each member of the community (Maslenitsa-Gulyanitsa, Igrovoye voskresen’ye, Shulikinskiye vechera). An indirect way of representing the traditions under consideration is the gender marking of the event (Babiy senokos, Babiy prazdnik). Unlike the idea of collective labor, the tradition of joint celebration can be expressed directly with a focus on the event’s scale (Vsemirnyy prazdnik, Vseobshchiy Spas). The author emphasizes that the traditions of collective work and rest marked by chrononymy are interconnected in the national calendar and form a cycle of labor and holiday periods. The study attempts to identify social values behind the considered traditions. Thus, both traditions aim at social cohesion, imply mutual assistance and respect, as well as serve as a means of self-expression. The paper highlights the relevance of chrononym vocabulary and context studies as these reveal the motivation of time period names and explain the referenced event.

Precedent Names in Russian Political Advertising: Representation of Value-Based Standards and Cultural Symbols

The article considers the specificity of precedent proper names as universal value-based standards and cultural symbols in the texts of Russian political advertisement. The axiological aspect is at the core of the pragmatic impact made by political advertising on the target audience. The research material involves political advertising texts issued during presidential and parliamentary campaigns in Russia in 1993–2018. The author distinguishes between the notions of ‘standard’ and ‘symbol’ as ways of conveying value-based meanings. In the first case, it is the connotative use of proper names and the “rating scale” of evaluation that matter the most. In the second case, both denotative and connotative ways of using precedent names are possible while the rating features are optional. Moreover, unlike names-standards, symbolic names express a particular idea implicitly, not explicitly. Precedent names with value meanings can be rendered both verbally and by means of precedent visual phenomena having an associative link with onomastic units. A significant role in forming value-based connotations is played by the context in which proper names are used. The study has allowed to reveal the following axiological categories represented by precedent names and non-verbal signs: standards of hero, heroic deed, creator, scientist, positive traits of character and beauty; symbols of heroism, patriotism, Russian culture and art. It is demonstrated that proper names connected with the latter three values are most frequent in Russian political advertising texts. A special role is played by names associated with the Great Patriotic War and space exploration as well as names conveying orthodox values.

Anthroponymy and Toponymy in Memorial Epigraphy of Podlasie

The paper presents an analysis of personal and place names on the tombstones of necropolises surveyed during a three-year fieldwork in Podlasie province (Hajnówka region), the area of high concentration of Orthodox East Slavic population. Apart from reflecting local dialect features specific to the East Slavic language situation on the Polish-East Slavic borderland, these epigraphic inscriptions made in Cyrillic are also a confessional marker that is highly relevant to the regional Orthodox population’s self-identification. Tombstone inscriptions evidence to the overlapping of Belarusian, Ukrainian, Russian (Church Slavonic), and Polish language contexts. Graphics (Cyrillic) and spelling features of different types of tombstone onyms not only give a picture of ethno-confessional and ethno-linguistic contacts, but also reflect live pronunciation captured in writing. Regarding personal name as a core component of the epitaph and analyzing specific examples, the authors address the following questions: 1) what do graphics and spelling convey in each particular case — the sound form of a name or toponym, writing traditions, focus on a particular spelling norm? 2) what is the reason for the variability in the spelling of the same name, surname, toponym? 3) can we trace the general trends in personal and place names rendering in the local tradition under study? 4) what effect does the Polish (state) language have in the texts that do not aim to comply with Belarusian, Ukrainian or Russian literary spelling norm? In the epigraphy of the studied region, there is a clear preference for using different spelling systems (not necessarily consistent), as reflected in the use of the letters и, ы, i in different combinations. Hence, the Polish spelling sometimes affects the Cyrillic transliteration of some names and surnames.

Welsh Chwant ‘Desire’ and Trisantona ‘River Trent’ in Tacitus

The article deals with the ancient name of the longest river solely in England, the Trent, flowing past Stoke-on-Trent and Nottingham to the North Sea. In a passage that has raised debate and led to a number of misinterpretations in literature, Tacitus recorded it as (emended) Trisantona, which has been explained from Old Irish sét ‘course’ and Welsh hynt ‘path’ as ‘trespasser, one that overflows’ (of a stream liable to flood). Trisantona or the like would be the name of other rivers, including the Tarrant in Dorset and Tarannon or Trannon in mid-Wales. Yet the interpretation ‘trespasser’ has grave phonetic and semantic defects. They are removed by a new etymology on the basis of Old Irish sét ‘treasure’ (Modern Irish seoid) and Welsh chwant ‘desire’ from hypothetical Common Celtic *suanto-. The paper provides textual, historical and linguistic arguments supporting this etymological interpretation. Trisantona or (preferably) reconstructed *Trisuantona (from *Tresuantona) would thus (instead of ‘trespasser, flooder’) mean ‘she of great desire, she who is much loved.’ The implication is that the Trent (like the English rivers Dee ‘goddess’ or Brent ‘she who is exalted’) was regarded as a Celtic female deity, a passionate and perhaps dangerous entity.