POLITICS AND VIOLENCE IN THE ‘RUSSIAN ZONE’: CONFLICT IN NEWCLARE SOUTH, 1950–7

2000 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
GARY KYNOCH

The urban townships of South Africa have been contested terrain since their inception. Different groups have struggled to control territory, various resources and political activities within the confines of the locations and, all too frequently, violence has been an integral part of these struggles. Groups as varied in composition and ideology as squatter movements, well-organized criminal outfits, student groups, vigilantes, traditional courts (makgotlas), migrant gangs, youth gangs, municipal political groups and national political movements – with much overlapping between these categories – have all at one time or another sought to impose their will on township residents and have regarded violence as an essential element in their campaigns.While much attention has been deservedly devoted to the violence employed by the state as a means of subjugating, dividing and controlling township residents, the different ways in which black urban groups struggled to assert control over their environments have received relatively little scrutiny. These processes cannot be regarded in isolation from the state's quest for control, but neither should they be subsumed by the larger focus on a revolutionary struggle. Rather, I would argue that a more informed understanding of the conditions and challenges faced by black urbanites requires study of the nature of localized power and violence within the townships. African groups pursued agendas which served their own interests and had a considerable impact on social relations and perceptions of power and authority, both within the locations and in the broader context of national/racial politics.

Author(s):  
Vijay Iyer

Improvisation has been construed as Western art music’s Other. This chapter urges music theorists to take the consequences of this configuration seriously. The decision to exclude improvisation as inherently unstable is not neutral, but is bound up with the endemic racism that has characterized social relations in the West and that is being brought to the fore in Black Lives Matter and other recent social and political movements. Traditional music theory is not immune from such institutional racism—its insistence on normative musical behaviors is founded on the (white) phallogocentrism of Western thought. Does the resurgent academic interest in improvisation offer a way out? No, at least not as it is currently studied. Even an apparently impartial approach such as cognitive science is not neutral; perception is colored by race. To get anywhere, this chapter argues, improvisation studies must take difference seriously. Important impetus for a more inclusive critical model comes from such fields as Black studies, Women’s studies, subaltern studies, queer studies, and disability studies.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tat'yana Alent'eva ◽  
Mariya Filimonova

The textbook examines the processes of the emergence and development of English colonies in North America in the XVII-XVIII centuries, as well as the process of formation and formation of the young American state. Considerable attention is paid to socio-economic processes, the study of which makes it possible to more fully consider political and legal trends and features. The political structure of the colonies is described in detail, and the colonial charters are analyzed. The article covers the first North American revolution, analyzes the political programs and activities of the first American political groups and their leaders. The process of drafting and ratifying the Constitution of 1787 is considered in detail, its content and the political activities of the first American presidents are analyzed. A separate chapter is devoted to the development of law in the XVII-XVIII centuries. Meets the requirements of the federal state educational standards of higher education of the latest generation. It is addressed to law students studying the history of state and law, as well as the constitutional law of foreign countries, historical students specializing in the study of US history, as well as students studying international relations, and anyone interested in history.


Author(s):  
Yevhen Tkachenko ◽  

As a result of this study, the family law regulation of matrimonial property relations was found to have its specific mechanism which is defined as a single system of legal ways and means providing mainly dispositive legal influence on family relations that allows significant influence of individual self-regulation and restrictions of prohibitions. At the present stage of study, this mechanism is considered as a ‘complex’ phenomenon which has several layers. Therefore, different interpretations of the mechanism for family law regulation of matrimonial property relations, derived at various levels, show not only their distinctive but also their common features. Determination of heterogeneous circumstances affecting the matrimonial property relations requires an analysis of the content and legal regulation of the relations related to property ones, since they are influenced by the mechanism for family law regulation of matrimonial property relations. Therefore, the methodology is the most essential element of this mechanism: it reveals the basic legal principles of family law regulation and directly connects legal tools with the objectively determined needs of social life by using the regulatory functions of law. The structure of the methodology of the mechanism for family law regulation of matrimonial property relations includes permits, prohibitions, instructions, incentives, obligations, sanctions and other ways to influence proper relationships. Methods of family law regulation are determined as methods of legal influence on the relevant social relations. They reflect the essence of a particular legal regime of regulation, while serving as a unifying principle which groups the system of family law and other legal phenomena within the institutions of family law. In this sense, the main methods of legal regulation are the method of subordination and the method of coordination. As a result, it is determined that each family law method reflects a special legal regime of regulation and depends on the formation of a specific set of techniques and means of regulation, among which a special place is occupied by general permits and general prohibitions.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sonali Alankarage ◽  
Nicholas Chileshe ◽  
Raufdeen Rameezdeen ◽  
David J. Edwards ◽  
Aparna Samaraweera

Purpose Building information modelling (BIM) has had a considerable impact on the socio-technical aspects of construction organisations. Culture has been considered an essential element in BIM practice. Hence, this paper aims to explore existing research relates to culture in the BIM context. Design/methodology/approach A systematic literature review (SLR) was conducted based on the PRISMA guidelines using 104 articles published between 2011 and 2020 and directed with a descriptive and content analysis. Findings The SLR results give evidence that culture in the BIM context is still an under-researched topic. Culture has been considered as both a dependent and independent factor in the BIM domain. Organisational BIM culture is a collection of fundamental beliefs established in a BIM using organisation and passed to new employees with the use of BIM. BIM using organisations are have either weak or strong BIM cultures. Proper analysis and understanding of the BIM culture of different organisations are necessary to realise the strategies of transformation from a weak BIM culture to a strong BIM culture. Originality/value To the best of the author's knowledge, this is the first SLR in BIM research that investigates the role of culture in the BIM setting. This study contributed to the existing body of knowledge by proposing a conceptual framework to understand and change a weak BIM culture of an organisation to a strong, matured BIM culture. This SLR serves as a future research basis in BIM-triggered culture.


2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 835-860 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Reza Nakhaie

Abstract. This paper evaluates the importance of social capital for political participation of native-born Canadians and immigrants. The Survey of Social Engagement in Canada, a large survey of Canadians conducted by Statistics Canada in 2003, is used in order to test the role of social relations and connections in accounting for political participation. Analyses show that although the “usual suspects” play important roles in explaining political activities, the main culprit is social capital. Among social capital measures, though all are important, associational involvement and social networks, followed by trust and volunteering, are the best predictors of political participation. Moreover, the effect of social capital varies by period of immigration. Theoretical and policy implications of findings are discussed.Résumé. Cet article évalue l'importance du capital social pour la participation politique des Canadiens de naissance et des immigrés. L'Enquête sociale générale, cycle 17 : L'Engagement social, une grande enquête menée par Statistique Canada en 2003, sert de toile de fond pour estimer le rôle des rapports et liens sociaux dans la participation politique. Les analyses montrent que, bien que d'autres facteurs connus jouent un rôle dans le choix d'activités politiques, le plus important est le capital social. Parmi les mesures de ce facteur, qui sont toutes importantes, l'activité au sein d'une association et les réseaux sociaux, suivis de la confiance et du travail bénévole, sont les meilleurs prédicteurs de la participation politique. Suit une discussion des conséquences théoriques de ces résultats et de leur incidence sur la politique générale.


Itinerario ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 19-38
Author(s):  
Ali Raza ◽  
Benjamin Zachariah

In the interwar period, a system for the movement of men, arms, and printed matter developed into a political network that in imperial sources came to be called the “lascar system.” Lascars were Indian seamen who worked for British and international merchant shipping companies and had contacts with trade unionists, communists, anarchists, and other politically active parties across the world—in particular in port towns such as Hamburg, Antwerp and Marseilles. They became key players in the politics of the interwar world, and especially in a still-colonised India, which was subject to various censorship regulations and a panoply of repressive legislation. A number of lascars became crucial in the emerging communist movement and in trade union politics. In a world of increasingly stringent border controls, restrictions on the movement of people, and paranoia about political radicalism and its ability to “infect” new areas, the lascars' mobility became an asset to political movements and a source of anxiety for states.Given this, it is surprising that the literature on lascars seldom, if ever, addresses the question of their political activities. This essay takes some steps in that direction, focusing on the 1920s, when the “lascar system” took shape. “Lascar” is of course a name given to a profession, not an identity or a political ideology; and yet the importance of this profession in the politics of the early twentieth century, and of the interwar period in particular, is far too important to ignore or treat as mere coincidence.


2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 719-747 ◽  
Author(s):  
POLLY WILDING

AbstractThis article contributes to recent analyses of gendered violence in Latin America by highlighting the relative neglect of women's experiences of violence in the discussion of ‘new violence’. In Latin America, women are consistently missing from mainstream debates about violence, which concentrate on urban crime, youth gangs and the police. With a focus on urban Brazil, this article argues for a gendered approach to the range of different forms of violence in order to render visible the variety of roles that women play in the context and in specific incidents of urban violence. It also explores the gendered impacts of various forms of violence and the gendered socialisation of violence. The article challenges the un-gendered concept of new violence, questioning its ability to capture the full gamut of violences that men and women experience, and the connections between these various forms. By adjusting the parameters of the debate, this article highlights the complexity of the gendered social relations and processes that reproduce violence, and adds a further dimension to the discussion of violence and security.


1985 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gebhard Geiger

The emergence of the state and similar forms of large-scale, stratified society from the matrix of primitive egalitarian social relations poses a problem sui generis for political anthropology. On the one hand, since the Neolithic, hierarchical stratification and political domination have evolved in a relatively short time from the patterns of kinship bonds and ephemeral leadership characteristic of primitive society (Service, 1975; Carneiro, 1978). On the other hand, the extent of the division of labor and of hierarchical stratification in even the most primitive corporate political groups is significantly greater than that found in egalitarian bands and tribes. This difference lends support to very specific explanations such as the theories of cataclysmic sociocultural change of political anthropology (Service, 1975:15).


2003 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrienne D. Dixson

Historically, African American teachers have been actively involved in political movements that sought to improve the material conditions of African Americans. More contemporary examinations of African American teachers' pedagogy and, in particular, African American women's pedagogy, have found that these teachers have a decidedly political mission to their teaching. Some researchers have described these teachers' pedagogy as culturally relevant. Notwithstanding, there is a growing body of research that seeks to highlight how Black women, in various contexts, have participated in political activities and how their participation is part of a Black feminist activist tradition. This article examines how contemporary African American women teachers continue the tradition of political involvement and situates their activities in a Black feminist activist tradition. The data are taken from a qualitative study of two African American women elementary school teachers. The findings reveal that among other things, the teachers' pedagogy was inherently political.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-102
Author(s):  
Marta Znak

Studies of Sejmiks or local parliaments and their influence on the political, military and socio-economic life of the early modern Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth are widely represented in modern European historiography. Pre-Sejm sejmiks were convened by the king who sent a writ to each sejmik, outlining the reasons the next Sejm would be held.In August 1669, the General Sejmik of the Ruthenian Voivodeship took place in Vyshnia, at which elect six representatives (traditionally two deputies, each from the Lands of Lwow, Przemysl, and Sanok) to the Coronation Sejm of Michael I. The main idea of the article is to show biographies of the six deputies of the Ruthenian Voivodeship. The paper is based on the source materials of the General Sejmik the second half of the 17th century demonstrates the place of their representation in their public and political activities. Sejmiks gave the opportunity for the career development of local nobility for politician’s beginners and experienced public figures. The role of the deputies was honourable and responsible, as the elected represented the interests of the whole voivodeship. Participation in the work of the Sejm provided an opportunity to join the discussion of important issues of the domestic and foreign policy of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. However, authority in the local noble society was not the only criterion for election to the embassy, no less important factor was the client-patron relationship. Lot of nobility belonged to family and political groups led by senators and magnates and defended their interests at the Sejmik and Sejm. Among the six ambassadors elected at the General Sejmik, there were representatives of magnate families and experienced parliamentarians who regularly participated in the Sejm.


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