Lawrence Grossman, The Democratic Party and the Negro: Northern and National Politics, 1868–1892 (Urbana, Chicago, and London: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1976, £7·00). Pp. xi, 212.

1977 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 405-406
Author(s):  
Bruce Collins
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
National Politics

The Cities on the Hill

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas K. Ogorzalek
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Social Difference ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Invaluable Tool ◽  
Urban Rural ◽  
The Hill ◽  
The New Deal

Recent electoral cycles have drawn attention to an urban–rural divide at the heart of American politics. This book traces the origins of red and blue America. The urbanicity divide began with the creation of an urban political order that united leaders from major cities and changed the Democratic Party during the New Deal era. These cities, despite being the site of serious, complex conflicts at home, are remarkably cohesive in national politics because members of city delegations represent their city as well as their district. Even though their constituents often don’t see eye-to-eye on important issues, members of these city delegations represent a united city position known as progressive liberalism. Using a wide range of congressional evidence and a unique dataset measuring the urbanicity of U.S. House districts over time, this book argues that city cohesion, an invaluable tool used by cities to address their urgent governance needs through higher levels of government, is fostered by local institutions developed to provide local political order. Crucially, these integrative institutions also helped foster the development of civil rights liberalism by linking constituencies that were not natural allies in support of group pluralism and racial equality. This in turn led to the departure from the coalition of the Southern Democrats, and to our contemporary political environment. The urban combination of diversity and liberalism—supported by institutions that make allies out of rivals—teaches us lessons for governing in a world increasingly characterized by deep social difference and political fragmentation.

The Changing Politics of Race in the South and Its Impact on National Politics

2019 ◽  
pp. 83-107
Author(s):  
Charles S. Bullock ◽  
Susan A. MacManus ◽  
Jeremy D. Mayer ◽  
Mark J. Rozell
Keyword(s):  
African Americans ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The South ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Past Half Century ◽  
Voter Suppression ◽  
Politics Of Race ◽  
Party Dominance

The long era of racial segregation and black voter suppression coincided with the old “Solid South” of Democratic dominance of the region. Among African Americans who could vote, they were loyal to the GOP, the party of Lincoln. The Voting Rights Act (VRA) and the civil rights movement more generally moved Southern blacks to the Democratic Party. The emergence of African American voters’ rights and their realigning to the Democratic Party have had the most profound impact on the politics of the region of the past half century. Today, Southern African Americans vote at about the same rate as whites and in some recent presidential elections have exceeded white participation. As whites realigned to the GOP, African Americans became a key component of the Democratic Party dominance of the South, with substantial influence on legislative priorities.

5. The evolving South

2020 ◽  
pp. 71-83
Author(s):  
Charles Reagan Wilson
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
American South ◽  
Federal Funding ◽  
International Investment ◽  
Black American ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Government Programs ◽  
Reverse Migration ◽  
The American South

‘The evolving South’ explores the evolving American South in the 1970s. It looks at the beginning of a southern turn in black American culture, which coincided with the beginnings of a dramatic reverse migration as African Americans moved to the South. The “Sunbelt” became the term for a now-prosperous, fast-growing, and urbanizing South, attracting northern and international investment and gaining a large percentage of federal funding through government programs. Meanwhile, the Democratic Party had anchored the Solid South in national politics and was the only functioning party through most of the twentieth century. The effects of globalization were significant in the American South.

Jackson Men

2020 ◽  
pp. 44-74
Author(s):  
Michael E. Woods
Keyword(s):  
Property Rights ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Early History ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Martin Van Buren ◽  
History Of ◽  
Jacksonian Democracy ◽  
The Moment

This chapter surveys the early history of the Democratic Party and traces Stephen Douglas and Jefferson Davis’s paths into national politics. First, it charts the rise of Jacksonian Democracy in the 1820s and 1830s, using the career of Martin Van Buren to highlight the strengths and weaknesses of the party’s cross-sectional coalition. Although successful in winning elections and notching policy victories, the Democratic Party suffered from ominous sectional divisions. These became especially alarming in the 1840s, just as Douglas and Davis entered Congress. Loyal to Jackson and devoted to the Democracy, Davis and Douglas entertained divergent visions for the party’s future. Douglas embraced the party’s populist rhetoric, muscular expansionism, and commitment to white men’s egalitarianism. Davis regarded the party as an instrument for protecting slavery by making preservation of masters’ property rights a national imperative. Friction between these rival Democrats shaped both men’s careers from the moment they stepped onto the national political stage.

scholarly journals Expressive Act by Elite Politicians in Responding Issue of “Coup d’etat” in Democratic Party”

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-74
Author(s):  
Lewi Kabanga' ◽  
Yohanes Moruk ◽  
Upi Laila Hanum
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Psychological Effect ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Data Documentation ◽  
Conspiracy Thinking

Democratic party is one of the greater parties that exists in Indonesia. Its existence gives significance colors in national politics. The declaration of coup’ d etat effort in front of the pers invites the politicians giving their responds. This research tries to investigate expressive act by the elite politicians. The method used in this research was qualitative method. To collect the data, documentation technique was used. It meant that the data were downloaded from internet. There were six videos taken from internet with 12 politicians. Those videos discussed the issue of coup d’etat in democratic party. The collecting data were transcribed without blurring the meaning. In displaying the data, the researchers investigated expressive acts used by every politician and then put them into the table of expressive acts. The results of this research revealed that there were two groups of politicians with different expressive acts. The group of pro and contra toward the issue of coup d’etat. In pro group used expressive act of approving, convincing, confessing, criticizing, and fearing. While the contra used disapproving, resentment, shocking and lamenting. Whole the expressive acts, both in pro and contra, were categorized into psychological and attitude effects. The psychological effect included the emotional range such as fearing, shocking, lamenting, and resentment. While, the attitude effect included the range of cognition, affection, and connation such as approving, disapproving, convincing, confessing, and criticizing. The implying meaning showed both the existence of coupd’etat and conspiracy thinking of elite politicians.

The Unsolid South

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devin Caughey
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Congressional Voting ◽  
Quantitative Evidence ◽  
National Representation ◽  
Jim Crow Era ◽  
The American South ◽  
The One ◽  
Partisan Competition

During the Jim Crow era, the Democratic Party dominated the American South, presiding over a racially segregated society while also playing an outsized role in national politics. This book provides an entirely new understanding of electoral competition and national representation in this exclusionary one-party enclave. Challenging the notion that the Democratic Party's political monopoly inhibited competition and served only the Southern elite, the book demonstrates how Democratic primaries—even as they excluded African Americans—provided forums for ordinary whites to press their interests. Focusing on politics during and after the New Deal, the book shows that congressional primary elections effectively substituted for partisan competition, in part because the spillover from national party conflict helped compensate for the informational deficits of elections without party labels. The book draws on a broad range of historical and quantitative evidence, including archival materials, primary election returns, congressional voting records, and hundreds of early public opinion polls that illuminate ideological patterns in the Southern public. Defying the received wisdom, this evidence reveals that members of Congress from the one-party South were no less responsive to their electorates than members from states with true partisan competition. Reinterpreting a critical period in American history, this book reshapes our understanding of the role of parties in democratic theory and sheds critical new light on electoral politics in authoritarian regimes.

Going Beyond the New Deal

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Stanley
Keyword(s):  
New Deal ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Party Control ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Vietnam Era ◽  
Fiscal Restraint ◽  
American Left ◽  
The New Deal

This chapter discusses the continued importance of a wide range of left politics as late as the 1970s in national politics. It shows how social democrats were able to infiltrate the Democratic Party in the post-Vietnam era and to move its domestic policy in a dramatically leftward direction. Operating in a period of fiscal restraint and rising conservatism, the chapter illustrates that even members of the American Left were prepared to play up to conservative and mainstream ideas and images to sell their revolutionary policies. They borrowed the language of the tax revolt and the New Deal to appeal to the floating blue-collar voter. However, their attempt to introduce European-style party control over policy proved counterproductive.

Notes on the 1980 Democratic Convention from a Confirmed “Hackademic”

1981 ◽  
Vol 14 (01) ◽  
pp. 42-45
Author(s):  
Elaine C. Kamarck
Keyword(s):  
Executive Director ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
National Committee ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
State Party ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Political Science Department ◽  
The University ◽  
Research Director

Upon advancement to candidacy in the political science department at the University of California, Berkeley, I joined the staff of the Democratic National Committee as Research Director for the Commission on Presidential Nomination and Party Structure. What was to be a short-term job ended up as a three and a half year commitment to the Democratic Party as I became, seriatim, program director for the Midterm Conference, executive director of the commission which established state party compliance with the delegate selection rules, and executive director of the 1980 Platform Committee.During my first month at the National Committee I had the pleasure of meeting one Mark Siegel, a political scientist with several years of involvement in national politics. One afternoon we were discussing the experiences of academic political scientists turned practitioners. Mark coined a term I have used frequently since then—“hackademic”—or someone who is partially an academic and partially a political hack.

Patriotism and Neo-Traditionalism in Buganda: The Kabaka Yekka (‘The King Alone’) Movement, 1961–1962

1970 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. R. Hancock
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Party Government ◽  
Special Position ◽  
Great Fear ◽  
Separate Identity ◽  
And Function ◽  
The Guardian ◽  
People's Congress

In May 1961 a small group of men formed the Kabaka Yekka movement in the Kingdom of Buganda. Their simple objective was to unite the Baganda behind the throne, the symbol and guarantee of Buganda's separate identity. The great fear was that the election of a national Democratic Party government in the previous March had marked a decisive stage in the destruction of Buganda's special position within Uganda. Kabaka Yekka's appeal to Ganda loyalty was instantly successful, but it was not until the Kabaka's ministers agreed to accept membership of independent Uganda, and to support Kabaka Yekka in Buganda, that Kabaka Yekka could win popular support and deal effectively with the Democratic Party. But when Kabaka Yekka became an ‘official’ movement, its whole nature and function was changed. There had been differences at the beginning, but now the simple objective barely disguised the contradictions within the movement, while Kabaka Yekka became a means to personal promotion as well as the guardian of the ‘national’ interest. Above all, Kabaka Yekka now included the chiefs, who wanted to preserve the existing political and social arrangements within Buganda. So by February 1962 Kabaka Yekka had become the party for the Baganda and for the status quo within Buganda. It was a party which, because it was identified with the Kabakaship, was able to destroy the Democratic Party in elections for the Buganda Lukiko, and a party which, although in alliance with Dr Obote's Uganda People's Congress in national politics, had aroused sentiments and interests pointing ultimately, if not irrevocably, to Ganda separation.

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